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中共文藝政策演展

The Evolution of the CCP's Policy on Literature and Art

摘要


中共自有正式的文藝政策,至今已近六十年。它牽動大陸文藝工作者的思想、言行、創作乃至生命,影響至深且鉅,其中毛澤東與鄧小平的文藝政策,是為兩大主軸。 中共文藝政策的主要根據,即為一九四二年毛澤東在延安文藝座談會上的講話聲。該會召開的初衷,本在清算敢言的作家如王實味,並欲嚇阻同類的抗聲。因此,中共自有正式的文藝政策以來,即與文藝整風結下不解之緣。 毛澤東重複列寧所說,文藝是整個無產階級機器中的齒輪和螺絲釘,位置業已擺好,所以絕無自由運作的可能。他直裡立藝必須為政治服務,製造矛盾的鬥爭的典型化,至於為藝術的藝術、超階級的藝術、和政治並行或互相獨立的藝術,「實際上是不存在的」。他為了向這些不存在的敵人宣戰,數十年來展開多次整風和運動,一九四九年以前,中共統治區已有王實味事件和蕭軍事件等;一九四九年以後,被污辱與被損害的大陸作家更難以計數。此固拜毛澤東個人所賜,實亦因政策使然,毛死後大陸作家仍遭整肅,即為明證。 鄧小平執政後,主張對毛澤東的文藝思想「一要堅持,二要發展」。所謂堅持,是指文藝首先是為工農兵服務的方向,從過去到未來,根本精神都是中共文藝的指針。而「為人民服務,為社會主義服務」,就是對毛澤東文藝思想的重要發展。其實,人民與社會主義二詞,在共產黨的觀念中都有特殊指涉,與一般認定者不同。例如,根據「人民政協共同綱領」,人民的定義是「工人階級、農民階級、 小資產階級、民族資產階級,以及從反動階級覺悟過來的某些愛國民主分子」,這還是含有強烈統戰意味的從寬解釋,但絕非指全民,自不待言。社會主義在彼等心目中,更是共產主義的過渡和必經階段。 政治本為一門藝術,自宜重視中庸之道。對共產黨領袖而言,藝術卻是政治的一部分,因此有文藝政策之設。昔日的俄共如此,今日的中共亦然,因為中共的文藝政策,原就脫胎於俄共。大陸作家由已呼籲,要改變驚引之鳥的現象,首應消滅驚鳥之弓。此弓即為文藝政策,長期以來由中共領袖和文藝幹部掌握,偶有鬆手之時,但無棄弓之日,從過去到現在,莫不如此。所以,從現在到未來,我們不易想見,真正的百花齊放,會在大陸文壇出現,雖然這句口號已經標榜了數十年。鄧小平離世後的中共文藝政策,證明了此說之不虛。

並列摘要


Since its formation nearly sixty years age, the Chinese Communist Party's (CCP's) official literary and art policy has had a deep and far-reaching influence on the ideology, speech, behavior, creation, and even life of mainland Chinese writers and artists. The two main axes of this policy are Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping's policies on literature and art. The chief basis of the CCP's literary and art policy is Mao Zedong's Talks at the Yan'an Forum on Literature and Art in 1942. The original objective of the forum was to purge such out –spoken writers as Wang Shiwei and silence similar protests. Therefore, since the CCP formed an official literature and art policy, there have often been rectification campaigns in mainland China. Mao Zedong reiterated Lenin's remarks that literature and art were ”cogs and screws” destined to fulfill their allotted roles in the ”proletarian machine,” and should not be allowed to developed freely. He stated that literature and art must serve politics and create typical contradictions and struggles. He thought that art for art's sake, art transcending classes, art parallel to politics, and art independent from politics ”did not exist in reality.” To declare war against this nonexistent enemy, he launched many rectification campaigns. Before 1949, there were movements against Wang Shiwei and Xiao Jun in the Communist-ruled areas, and after 1949, numerous mainland Chinese writers were insulted and attacked. Though Mao was the initiator of all these sufferings, the adoption of such an literary and art policy by the CCP government also played an important role. That was the reason why mainland Chinese writers continued to live under the shadow of persecution after Mao's death. After his ascension to power, Deng Xiaoping emphasized the necessity of upholding and further developing Mao's thinking on literature and art. Upholding Mao's thinking on literature and art meant making Mao's idea that literature and art must first serve workers, peasants, and soldiers the fundamental principle of the CCP's literary and art policy; further developing Mao's thinking on literature and art implies making literature and art serve ”the people” and ”socialism.” The CCP has its own special definitions of such terms as ”the people” and ”socialism.” For instance, according to the Common Program of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference, ”the people” means the workers, peasants, petty bourgeoisie, national bourgeoisie, and some patriotic democratic elements who have awaken from the reactionary class. This was an interpretation motivated by strong united front work concerns, but the term ”the people” did not mean all the people. For the Chinese Communists, socialism is a necessary transitional stage to communism. Politics is in itself an art and should emphasize taking a mean course. For Communist leaders, however, art is a part of politics. They therefore formulated a policy on literature and art. Mainland Chinese writers have long called for the elimination of such a policy, but Communist Chinese leaders and literary and art cadres have always used the policy to maintain control over the literary and art circles. The CCP's literary and art policy after Deng Xiaoping's death proves that it will be difficult for the ”blooming of a hundred flowers” to really appear in mainland China, despite its being a popular slogan for decades.

參考文獻


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被引用紀錄


陳邵煜(2017)。中國大陸文化創意產業政策研究-以北京南鑼鼓巷為例〔碩士論文,淡江大學〕。華藝線上圖書館。https://doi.org/10.6846%2fTKU.2017.00263
潘雅玲(2008)。「學習蘇聯」對中國鋼琴演奏之影響〔碩士論文,淡江大學〕。華藝線上圖書館。https://doi.org/10.6846%2fTKU.2008.00414

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