汶水泰雅語情態詞探究

Modality in Mayrinax Atayal

鄭奕揚(Yi-Yang Cheng)

指導教授 ： 宋麗梅

國立臺灣大學/文學院/語言學研究所/碩士(2012年)

https://doi.org/10.6342/NTU.2012.01826

摘要

「情態」在語言學中相較於「時式」以及「動貌」在定義上為學者較難達成共識之範疇。而在台灣南島語研究中「情態」亦為較少被探究之議題，即使有所提及，也僅是從屬於其他語言結構上的議題來討論，其中包括：「對於未來概念的表達」、「狀語動詞的語意及結構」以及「連動式」等主題。有鑑於過去研究之不足，本篇論文旨在將汶水泰雅語中之「情態」看作完整的語言範疇─即「說者對於非實現事件以及命題之真假所表達的態度」─並探究該語中情態詞之語意、構詞句法以及類型學上之特徵。

本篇論文根據Palmer(2001)對情態範疇的分類，將汶水泰雅語中之情態詞分為兩類來探討：即表達「事件情態」以及表達「命題情態」之情態詞。在「事件情態」的部分，根據語意及結構上的特徵，該語有表達「參與者內部情態」以及表達「參與者外部情態」之區別。前者包括三個情態動詞以及一個情態派生前綴，即vaq『知道/能夠』、tahahuwayan『緩慢/能夠』、sumi’uwa’『欲求/想要』以及maki-『想要』。而後者包括三個句首述語，即musa’ valaiq『可以』、asi ki『必須』以及naki『應該』。至於命題情態的部分，該語有區別對於「認識性情態」以及「認識性距離」的表達。前者包含根據個人知識對可能性判斷之情態詞，即ini’ vaq’『可能』及ki’i『大概』，以及根據證據所作推論之情態詞，即tali ki『也許』及 asi ga『好像』。而後者包含在三種表達說者「與現實疏離」之語意情境下，連詞na以及naki『才會』的使用。

此外，本文將汶水泰雅語中之情態詞作跨語言類型學上的比較，其中參照了許多常見語言以及三個台灣南島語之情態詞。藉由語意地圖模型的使用，本文發現該語在兩大面向來說，對於情態表達在類型學上是較獨特的語言。首先，雖文獻中常探討情態詞的語意容易有一詞同時表多種情態語意的現象，但汶水泰雅語中卻只有一個情態詞展現這項特性，也就是跨語言常見的情態詞語意延伸的路徑幾乎無反應在在該語中。另外一方面，汶水泰雅語情態詞的系統和常見的英語類型的情態系統有很大的不同。因後者傾向由一組系統性地表達「事件情態」以及「命題情態」之詞彙所組成，而前者則是有兩組獨立的系統，其中一組表達「事件情態」，另一組表達「命題情態」。綜述以上兩點，汶水泰雅語並無反映跨語言常見的情態語意跨範疇(cross-domain function)現象，而是利用一組範疇特定(domain-specific function)之詞彙來表達情態。

關鍵字

情態 ； 汶水泰雅語 ； 語言類型學 ； 非實現貌

並列摘要

Modality is a linguistic category that is relatively more difficult to define than tense and aspect. In the study of Formosan langauges, it has also received scant attention, being subordinated under several topics, including (i) the expression of future, (ii) adverbial verbs, and (iii) verb serialization. The present thesis investigates modality as a coherent category in Mayrinax Atayal, a Formosan language spoken in the mountainous areas in Miaoli, Central Taiwan. It adopts the typological view on modality, which is defined as the expression of the speaker’s attitude toward irrealis events and the factual status of the proposition.
Based on Palmer’s (2001) typology of modal categories, two major types of modal expressions in Mayrinax Atayal are identified—those that fall under the category of Event modality, and those that fall under the category of Propositional modality. In the former category, Mayrinax shows seven modal expressions—(i) the expressions of Participant-internal modality, which consist of three verbs (vaq ‘know/be able’, tahahuwayan ‘slowly/be able’, and sumi’uwa’ ‘desire/want’) and a derivational prefix (maki- ‘want’), and (ii) those of Participant-external modality, which consist of three clause-initial predicates musa’ valaiq ‘may’, asi ki ‘must’, and naki ‘should’. In the latter category, the language shows seven other expressions—(i) the expressions of Epistemic modality (the knowledge-based ini’ vaqi ‘maybe’ and ki’i ‘probably’; and the evidence-based tali ki ‘perhaps’ and asi ga ‘seem’), and (ii) those of Epistemic distance (the complementizing linker na and naki ‘would’ in three contexts).
With the employment of the semantic map model, modal expressions in Mayrinax Atayal are compared to those in familiar languages and in three other Formosan languages, which leads to the discovery that the language is typologically unique in two major aspects with regard to the expression of modality. First, the multifunctionality of modal expressions to encode more than one semantic domain of modality, which is commonly attested in the world’s languages, is only found in one modal expression in Mayrinax Atayal, which shows a poverty of sense extension from one modal meaning to another. Second, the widely attested tendency for individual modal expressions to have both an Event modal meaning and a Propositional modal meaning is not found in Mayrinax Atayal, the two categories appearing to serve as independent systems in the language. All in all, while an English-style modal system comprises of expressions that systematically reflect cross-domain relations, Mayrinax Atayal shows a system where modal expressions tend to serve domain-specific functions.

並列關鍵字

modality ； Mayrinax Atayal ； linguistic typology ； irrealis

參考文獻

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