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  • 學位論文

台灣華語高聲調標的呈現之語言變異研究

Dialectal variations on the realization of high tonal targets in Taiwan Mandarin

指導教授 : 馮怡蓁

摘要


本研究探討台灣華語中,一聲和四聲的高聲調標的呈現是如何受到方言差異和性別因素的影響。另外,我們也探討焦點是如何和方言差異產生互動。實驗共有32位男女受試者參加,分別來自台北、台中與高雄三地。受試者必須唸出單獨的音節,並且將出現在句首、句中或句尾中的音節,連同句子一併唸出。我們測量的是一聲音節中點的基頻值以及四聲音節的基頻最大值。結果顯示,對於女性受試者來說,一聲高聲調標的之呈現,台北方言的基頻高於高雄方言,高雄方言又高於台中方言。然而女性受試者在四聲的高聲調標的呈現略有不同,台北方言的基頻比其餘兩個方言來得高,而台中方言和高雄方言並沒有顯著差異。至於女性受試者在每個句子中的音高設定,則是沒有任何方言差異。對於男性受試者而言,方言差異的趨勢非常一致,不論是一聲以及四聲的高聲調標的,或是句子音高的設定,台中方言的基頻都是三種方言中域值最低的,而台北方言和高雄方言沒有任何基頻上的差異。此外,方言差異與說話者的性別以及焦點地位有關。對於男性受試者而言,不論一個音節在句子中是否帶有焦點,方言差異的趨勢大致相同。然而女性受試者所顯示的方言差異和焦點有關。若一個音節具有焦點地位,則會呈現出方言差異。若該音節不具焦點地位,各方言在基頻上大致沒有差異。我們認為造成台中地區的華語域值較低的原因,可能是源自於台中地區閩南方言的變調規則,以及該區閩南方言的語音特徵。

並列摘要


This study investigated how gender and dialectal differences influence the realization of high tonal targets in Tone 1 and Tone 4 in Taiwan Mandarin and how the focus status interacts with dialectal variations. 32 native speakers of Taiwan Mandarin, balanced in gender, 12 from Taipei, 10 from Taichung, and 10 from Kaohsiung, were recruited to perform reading tasks. Target Tone 1 and Tone 4 syllables occurred in isolation and were also embedded in carrier sentences at the initial, medial, and final positions. For Tone 1, the F0 of the midpoint of the target syllable was measured; for Tone 4, the F0 maximum of the target syllable was examined. Results showed that, for female speakers, the FB0B for target syllables in Tone 1 was the highest for the Taipei dialect, followed by the Kaohsiung dialect, with the Taichung dialect as the lowest among the three dialects. For Tone 4, the Taipei dialect was higher in F0 than the other two dialects. However, female speakers of different dialects set their pitch frame similarly. For male speakers, the FB0B of both target tones in the Taipei dialect and the Kaohsiung dialect were similar. But the Taipei and the Kaohsiung dialects were still higher than the Taichung dialect. As for pitch setting, Kaohsiung male speakers set their pitch frame similarly as Taipei male speakers. Both dialects were higher than Taichung male speakers. In addition, dialectal variations interacted with gender and focus status as well. For male speakers, the trends found for dialectal differences of non-focus items were identical to that of focus items; however, for female speakers, dialectal variations were found for focus items but not for non-focus items. This study found that the dialect formed in Taichung was lower in F0 height than the dialect in Kaohsiung, which could be accounted for by tone sandhi rules and the tonal system of Min dialects in Taichung.

參考文獻


Hsu, H. (2006). Some aspects of phonological leveling in Taiwan Mandain. National Taiwan Normal University, Taipei.
Fon, J., Chiang, W.-Y., & Cheung, H. (2004). Production and perception of the two dipping tones. Journal of Chinese Linguistics, 32(2), 249-281.
Boersma, P., & Weenink, D. (2007). Praat: doing phonetics by computer (Version 4.6.02).
Chen, S. H. (2005). The effects of tones on speaking frequency and intensity ranges in Mandarin and Min dialects. Journal of Acoustical Society of America, 117(5), 3225-3230.
Cheng, R. L. (1966). Mandarin phonological structure. Journal of Linguistics, 2(2), 135-158.

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