陸委會與海基會互動關係研究

Ａ Study of the interaction between Mainland Affairs Council and Straits Exchange Foundation

翟思嘉(Sze-Chia Chai)

指導教授 ： 蘇起

淡江大學/國際研究學院/中國大陸研究所碩士在職專班/碩士(2014年)

https://doi.org/10.6846/TKU.2014.00017

摘要

在兩岸政府的授權之下，海基會與大陸海協會於1991年底展開正式的接觸與協商，1993年4月，兩岸兩會的最高負責人在新加坡舉行了歷史性的「辜汪會談」並簽署四項協議，是兩岸建立以對話協商解決交流問題的濫觴。其後兩岸政府也持續透過此一管道進行多次談判，雙方制度化協商的機制初有雛形，陸委會與海基會在李登輝執政初期的合作密切，但受當時政治情勢及各機關本位主義的影響，陸委會與海基會又迭有衝突，雙方磨合之處甚多，因有「海陸大戰」的說法。
隨著兩岸關係在1995年至2008年間經歷多次重大波折，兩岸互信不足、關係緊繃，制度化協商因而中斷，海基會在這種情況下的發揮空間有限，功能減弱，與陸委會之間的磨擦有大幅度的減少。
2008年政黨再度輪替，主張兩岸和解的馬英九勝選，讓兩岸制度化協商復談，海基會的角色因此變得重要，到2014年，海基會與大陸海協會共簽署21項協議，陸委會作為海基會主管機關的定位也愈見清晰。但同時，兩岸溝通漸回歸制度與專業面，各自部會都能非正式直接溝通，海基會居間傳話的「白手套」功能愈來愈薄；在陸委會與國台辦建立常態聯繫機制、陸委會副主委兼任海基會秘書長職務後，海基會「談判、交流、服務」的三大功能勢必有所調整。
本文運用文獻分析法，將海基會自1991年創立至今分為「李登輝執政」、「陳水扁執政」、「馬英九執政」三個時期。透過國內政治因素、外部兩岸關係、大陸決策系統、當前大陸政策、領導人因素、兩岸談判方式、其它兩岸接觸管道等七項指標，檢視李登輝、陳水扁、馬英九執政時期的內外政治與兩岸決策環境，如何影響陸委會與海基會的互動關係與定位功能，並觀察在歷史經驗累積下的陸委會與海基會，如何因應新的內外情勢，發展出新的互動關係。

關鍵字

陸委會 ； 海基會 ； 互動關係

並列摘要

In late 1991, Taiwan’s Straits Exchange Foundation (SEF) and China’s Association of Relations Across the Taiwan Straits (ARATS) was each authorized by their respective governments to begin official contacts and negotiations. Over the years, relations across the Taiwan Strait have seen their ups and downs which had direct impact on the relationship between the SEF and its supervisory agency, the Mainland Affairs Council (MAC).

This thesis will examine the relationship between the two semi-official agencies during the presidencies of Lee Teng-hui of the Nationalist Party (KMT), Chen Shui-bian of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) and incumbent Ma Ying-jeou of the KMT.

During Lee’s presidency, the heads of the SEF and ARATS met in Singapore where they signed four agreements. The historic talk paved the way for future dialogues and negotiations between the two sides separated by the Taiwan Strait since 1949. Yet overall the relationship between the SEF and MAC during this period was tense due to constant conflicts.

Between 1995 and 2008, cross-strait relations descended into military intimidation and heated political rhetoric. During this period, the functions of the SEF were significantly reduced. And because of its reduced functions, friction between the SEF and MAC was remarkably eased. It was particularly so during Chen’s presidency.

Cross-strait relations have significantly improved since President Ma Ying-jeou was first elected in 2008 on a platform of seeking friendlier ties with China. Both sides not only resumed the long-stalled bilateral talks but also established institutionalized negotiations. Since then, the two sides have inked 21 agreements, including the landmark Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement in June 2010. However, as cross-strait negotiations become more institutionalized and professional, the function of the SEF is bound to change.

The thesis is divided into five chapters. It will use seven indicators to examine the impact of local and foreign politics on the relations and interactions between the MAC and SEF during the presidencies of Lee, Chen and Ma. The thesis will also delve into the possible development of future relationship between the MAC and SEF.

並列關鍵字

MAC ； SEF ； interaction

參考文獻

王銘義，《對話與對抗─台灣與中國的政治較量》，(台北，天下遠見， 2005年1月)。

李登輝，「台灣的主張」，遠流，1999/05/20。

財團法人海峽交流基金會網站 http://www.sef.org.tw/

賴名倫，政黨菁英甄補之研究－以國民黨中常委為例（1993-2008），政大政治研究所碩士論文，2009年。

王植忠，陳水扁執政時期大陸政策之研究(2000-2008年)，淡江大學中國大陸研究所碩士在職專班，民國101