太魯閣語指示詞的語法化研究

本論文主要研究太魯閣語指示詞，包括nii「這」、gaga/ga「那」、kiya/ki「那」、hini「這裡」、hiya/hi「那裡」等五組指示詞，從句法、言談分析、語法化等角度進行討論，並聚焦於指示詞的言談功能。本文的研究發現，這五組指示詞都呈現多功能用法，在句法上，主要可分成兩大類：第一類是指示詞的基本功能，包括代名詞性指示詞、定語性指示詞、狀語性指示詞等，第二類是指示詞的延伸功能，包括方位動詞、動貌助動詞、時間用法等。在語意特徵上，主要跟指示的特性相關，包括距離以及可見性兩類，距離對比上，nii「這」表示近指、gaga/ga「那」表示遠指，kiya/ki「那」則是不區分遠近；可見性對比上，nii和gaga/ga都是可見性的，而kiya/ki亦不區分。在言談中，本論文分成口語敘事、遊戲設計對話、以及節目訪談對話三個言談模式進行討論，將指示詞的言談功能分成六大類，包括文外照應（情境用法）、篇章指示、文內照應（回指和後指）、識別用法、關聯詞用法以及言談標記用法，其中言談標記用法又包括主題標記、確認用法、應答用法、話題接續、填補詞等。結果發現，指示詞的言談功能中，指示詞單用和指示詞詞串在用法上有明顯差異，甚至有分工的情況，也發現到指示詞gaga幾乎不具有言談功能，kiya/ki可搭配的成分較多，呈現的言談功能也較多樣化，此外，這三類言談模式各自呈現了一些用法上的特殊性及偏好。從語法化的角度分析指示詞的言談功能後發現，太魯閣語的五組指示詞，各有不同程度的語法化現象，其中近指處所用法hini「這裡」是語法化程度最淺的，而kiya/ki「那」是語法化程度最深的指示詞。在語法化演變的路徑，指示詞主要經歷了以下的目標項：方位動詞、動貌標記、第三人稱單數代名詞、肯定用法/應答用法、時間用法、言談標記，甚至可能發展成定冠詞用法。最後，本文提出三個主要的貢獻，第一，實證經驗的材料提供，在過去台灣南島語的研究中，關於指示詞的相關研究仍不足，在太魯閣語亦是如此，而本論文針對太魯閣語指示詞現象進行系統性的研究；第二，類型學上的貢獻，在台灣南島語的指示詞演變情況，太魯閣語、噶瑪蘭語等語言可延伸出方位動詞和動貌用法，但這些重要的資料尚未被呈現在跨語言類型學的研究中；第三，自然口語語料的重要性，本論文同時使用書面語料及口語語料進行分析，結果發現如果僅針對書面語資料進行研究，將會遺漏掉部分的用法，也可能因此無法呈現指示詞的全貌。

關鍵字

指示詞；言談分析；語法化；太魯閣語

並列摘要

This dissertation mainly studies demonstratives in the Truku language, including nii “this”, gaga/ga “that”, kiya/ki “that”, hini “here”and hiya/hi “there”. We discuss from the perspective of syntax, semantics, discourse analysis, and grammaticalization, and we mainly focus on the phenomenon of grammaticalization of demonstratives. We discover that these five groups of demonstratives all present multifunctional use. In syntax, we can have two categories. First, the basic function of demonstratives, including pronominal demonstratives, adnominal demonstratives, and adverbial demonstratives. Second, the extended function of demonstratives, including locative verb, aspectual auxiliary, and temporal use. In the semantic feature, the use is mainly related to demonstrative characteristics, such as distance and visibility. As for the contrast of distance, nii “this” indicates proximal, and gaga/ga “that”, distal, whereas kiya/ki “that” also indicates distal, and it can refer to a referent which does not occur in the discourse context as well; as for the contrast of visibility, there is restriction of visibility on nii “this” and gaga/ga “that”, but not on kiya/ki “that”. In discourse analysis, the functions of demonstratives fall into six categories, such as exphoric use, discourse deictic use, endophoric use, recognitional use, connectives, and discourse marker. We find that, in the discourse functions of demonstratives, there are significant differences in the use of a single demonstrative and the collocating phrase, they even work with a division of labor. We also find that gaga hardly has any discourse function, while kiya/ki has more collocations and presents a variety of discourse functions. Based on the principles of grammaticalization, proposed by Diessel (1999) and Hopper (1991), we view these five groups of demonstratives and find that each of them has different degrees of grammaticalization. Among these, the proximal locative demonstrative hini “here” is the one with the least degree of grammaticalization, while kiya/ki “this/that”, with the deepest. In the mechanism of grammaticalization, some demonstratives undergo reanalysis and thus begin to have new uses or to get into the process of de-categorialization, in which metaphor and metonymy play a great role. Meanwhile, we also observe that the demonstratives evolve from the propositional level to the textual level to express the semantic relationship from one proposition to the other. Eventually, with the increase of subjectivity of speaker, expressing one’s stand and attitude, the uses of demonstratives go further to the level of expression of emotional function, which matches the path of semantic evolution, proposed by Traugott (1989, 1995): propositional> textual > expressive. In conclusion, this dissertation provides three main contributions. First, the providing of empirical material. In the previous studies of the Formosan languages, few are related to demonstrative, not to mention the studies on the Truku languages. This study performs a systematic analysis of this topic. Second, the contribution to linguistic typology. In the case of grammaticalization of demonstratives in the Formosan languages, Truku and Kavalan can have extended uses, such as locative verb and aspectual auxiliary; however, these important data have not been presented in cross-linguistic typological studies. Third, the importance of natural spoken language. We use both written and spoken material to carry out the analysis in this study. We find that they have their characteristics and preferences respectively, and it is easier, especially in the spoken language, to observe a complete picture of demonstratives.

並列關鍵字

demonstrative ； discourse analysis ； grammaticalization ； the Truku language

參考文獻

書籍與期刊：

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