台北非常同志─台北同玩節作為一種社會運動

"Taipei LGBT Civil Right Movement Festival" as a Social Movement

許雯娟(Wen-Chuan Hsu)

指導教授 ： 畢恆達

國立臺灣大學/工學院/建築與城鄉研究所/碩士(2007年)

https://doi.org/10.6342/NTU.2007.00644

摘要

台北非常同志─台北同玩節作為一種社會運動
許雯娟
國立台灣大學建築與城鄉研究所
中文摘要
本文企圖解讀及紀錄台灣在2000年以來，所引發台北同玩節產生的原因、其與政治部門的關係、及其內容等。本文運用McAdam, McCarthy 與 Zald 等學者在分析社會運動強調三組因素，政治機會、動員結構以及框架過程探究台北同玩節，並加入翻轉異性戀的空間此一項目為第四個探討元素。
本研究發現分為四部分，首先是台北同玩節與政治機會的關係，台北同玩節就是台北市政府「公私合夥」的文化治理成果，在此官方出資極少卻象徵支持同志的活動，市長馬英九履行他曾經表達對同志運動支持的承諾，承受內部文官體系與宗教團體反對的壓力，贏得了國內與國際的尊重多元與進步開明形象。但除了提出此項活動的民政局長，其後歷任民政局官員與同志團體關係並不良好，台北市沒有提出明確的同志政策。宗教團體與同志團體之間的衝突與緊張關係，各自尋求不同民意代表等政治力量支持。
再來，討論台北同玩節與動員結構的關係，分為三個部分，分別為熱線的樞紐地位與動員社運組織的方式、網際網路的力量，與未來組織發展的轉變與期待。然後，探論台北同玩節的與框架結構的關係，即其文化與認同，產生計畫性認同、國際連結與公民權的追求。台北同玩節翻轉了異性戀空間的意涵，匯集同志集體現身的能量後，整合網絡組織，提高曝光率，成為一個同志能共通認同的據點，反過來吸引更多新的運動能量，鼓舞更多同志加入。
台北同玩節階段性任務若是已告一段落，也許可思考另一條更激進的同運路線。同志社群內還充滿著多元、激進、獨特、充滿羞辱感的性別、色情與猥褻的實踐與想像，也許這些才是同志運動最大的反抗能量匯集所在，這些可以超越現存社會關係，具有改變現有社會關係的可能，也許是另一種同志們用不斷用肉身反抗性別常規的同志們來為同運培力。

關鍵字

台北同玩節 ； 熱線 ； 政治機會 ； 動員結構 ； 框架過程 ； 台北市民政局

並列摘要

“ Taipei LGBT Civil Right Movement Festival”
as a Social Movement

Hsu, Wen Chuan
Graduate Institute of Building and Urban Planning
College of Engineering
National Taiwan University
Abstract
This study attempts to interpret and record how Taipei LGBT Civil Right Movement Festival came about, what kind of relation it has with the government, and how it has developed since 2000. In addition to political opportunitities, mobilizing structure, and framing process based on theories of McAdam, McCarthy, and Zald, heterosexual space is also employed as the fourth dimension to help discuss Taipei LGBT Civil Right Movement Festival.
There are four findings in this reasearch. The first is the relationship between LGBT Civil Right Movement and the political opportunities. LGBT Civil Right Movement is the product of cultural governance by the public-private partnership between the Taipei City Government and the private capital. The government paid little, but its participation was symbolic of the official support for gay/lesbian activities. Mayor Ma kept his promise to support LGBTIQ groups under the pressure from the internal civil service system and religious groups. However, except for the first Director of Civil Affairs who proposed to hold this activity, follow-up administrators do not interact with gay/lesbian groups very well. There is no clear LGBTIQ policy in Taipei. Religious groups and LGBTIQ groups seek respective support from different political parties, and thus create conflict and tension.
Second is the relationship between LGBT Civil Right Movement and the moblizing structures. This part can be divided into three sections. First, I focus on the key role of the hotline, the way of mobilizing social groups, the power of the Internet, and the vision of future development. Next, I discuss the relationship between LGBT Civil Right Movement and the framing structure. That is to discuss how the local culture and identity help to create project identity, international linkage, and pursuit of civil rights. LGBT Civil Right Movement has reversed the meanings of heterosexual space. It accumulates the energy for LGBTIQ groups to come out, integrets the network, and raises its own popularity. LGBT Civil Right Movement has become an identity reference for LGBTIQ, and has attracted more people to join in.
At present, LGBT Civil Right Movement has completed its phased-mission. I try to propose a rather radical way for LGBTIQ movements. There are still high diversities in sexual imagination and practice among LGBTIQ groups. Maybe such diversities provide the greatest possibility for defense and transformation of social relations. It serves as a different way of empowerment from fighing against normal gender regulations directly.

並列關鍵字

Taipei LGNT Civil Right Movement (Festival) ； hotline ； political opportunities ； moblizing structures ； framing processes ； Department of Civil Affairs

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