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  • 學位論文

仇恨性言論的容忍與禁止-比較法的觀察

The Tolerance and Restriction of Hate Speech: From the Perspective of Comparative Law

指導教授 : 許宗力

摘要


言論自由在民主國家具有極重要的地位,不僅僅在維護個人基本權利的完整,達成追求真理、實現自我的功能,同時亦賦予人民參與辯論、防衛自身權利的能力,並藉由所有人民參與辯論、表達意見促進民主制度之健全、提供政府施政之民主正當性。 惟言論未必永遠積極正面,在擔保人民無所瞻顧、自由表達意見的同時,憲法並未限制人民表達負面言論的權利;如果負面言論足以侵害他人正當法益,國家是否一律放任、絕不擅加介入私領域的言論之中?其中,由何人介定、如何介定負面言論構成侵害他人的仇恨性言論?仇恨性言論與其他權利衝突時如何權衡?有無禁止仇恨性言論的正當事由與必要性、抑或有容忍這類言論的理由?均為本文之研究目的。 一、仇恨性言論並非統一存在各國實定法下的明確概念,毋寧屬於學說討論的概念,整理分歧的概念內涵時,可發現包含攻擊不同族群識別特徵時範圍上的差異、煽動蔑視、仇恨造成效果的歧異、單純否認、合理化大屠殺事件或讚揚專制政權是否納入仇恨性言論範圍之分歧等。 二、仇恨性言論概念的爭議,尚包括各國法院見解的分歧,不旦形成理解仇恨性言論概念的一環,也充分反映各國最高(憲法)法院在容忍或禁止仇恨性言論的爭議中,持續充實言論自由理論之發展而同時亦兼顧對社會共同意識的關懷。例如美國法院堅持國家不得介定「正統」觀點、幾乎不限制仇恨性言論;德國法院不但限制以保障名譽、人格權,更宣示禁止讚揚納粹的法律縱使違反法律中立性要求,仍不違反基本法的客觀價值;對正當法益的保障,亦可見諸法國、西班牙法院的見解。 三、基於對正當法益的保護,本文合目的性地認為仇恨性言論概念包含攻擊與生俱來的群體特徵與「可識別特徵」的言論;但宜在效果上限縮,必須有貶低他人社會地位、削弱於言論自由市場發聲之能力與信譽等效果者,始屬仇恨性言論,故弱勢族群辱罵強勢族群的言論不構成仇恨性言論。 四、限制仇恨性言論與否的爭議,固然涉及言論自由與名譽權、人格權、公共秩序等憲法價值的衝突,然仇恨性言論並非全然無促進討論的成分、對群體的侵害亦十分抽象,限制與否的爭議終究須回歸言論自由理論的討論。亦即,一般人對言論負面效果的容忍程度不一,是否適合由國家劃定表達負面意見的「禮儀」?是否適合在具體傷害出現前提前立法防止壓迫族群的言論?參考美、德兩國的憲法學說,本文認為國家固不宜擔任指摘何種言論不妥適的角色,惟仍應以對人格權與人性尊嚴的保障為底線,凡基於與生俱來之群體特徵或「可識別特徵」加以攻擊致貶損群體社會地位之言論,國家得加以限制。 五、出現在臺灣社會的各種負面言論,也應綜合我國歷史、文化、社會脈絡與比較法的見解,逐一介定是否為仇恨性言論、有無限制的正當事由與必要性,抑或應暫先容忍其存在。各種負面言論可概分為「本土仇恨性言論」、「族群仇恨性言論」(針對閩南、客家、外省族群)、「統獨仇恨性言論」(針對泛藍、泛綠族群)。「四大族群」雖屬社會建構,歷經三、四十年發展臺灣社會或多或少習慣以族群作為認識彼此的識別要素,或是形成自我認同的因素,可以認為「四大族群」已成為臺灣社會相當獨特的「可識別特徵」;泛藍、泛綠族群則隨政治情勢發展形成「臺灣國家主義」與「中華國家主義」的對抗,一般民眾均能辨識攻擊泛藍泛綠的言論中以國家認同理念差異作為「可識別特徵」的意圖,本文認為可以寬認「臺獨河洛豬低級無能,應鎮反肅反」、「中國豬滾回去、太平洋沒加蓋,覺得中國好就游過去」等言論亦屬仇恨性言論。 六、本文結論認為,攻擊原住民、外國人、同性戀者、疾病殘疾、外籍勞工、外籍(大陸)配偶的「本土仇恨性言論」,已貶損其社會地位、削弱其受社會接納、自由發聲的信譽,有嚴格執行現行法(含公然侮辱罪)以限制此類仇恨性言論的正當性與必要性。 七、理論上雖有限制「族群仇恨性言論」及「統獨仇恨性言論」的正當性,但暫無限制的必要性。「族群仇恨性言論」部分,因涉及對其文化、生活方式的貶損,認定有其困難,為避免國家必須使用該族群提出的主觀認定標準,引發國家指導「言論禮儀」、宣示「正統」的批評,故無限制的必要性。「統獨仇恨性言論」部分,因涉及國家認同的討論,屬應受高度保障的政治性言論,雖其言論內容可能涉及侵害他人人性尊嚴成分,惟現實上無法迴避政治言論部分單獨禁止貶損人格之成分,國家不宜介入其中,宜透過教育方式增進政治成熟度、促進相信,消弭不和諧氣氛。

並列摘要


The freedom of speech requires that the government grant a maximum amount of protection for free speech. Only under the purview of the constitutional protection can we fully realize and express ourselves, pursue the truth, and take part in all manners of political and social activities. The protection of freedom of speech also intensifies the foundation of democracy. The protection of freedom of speech covers the good and “bad” speech. The thesis concerns that if the protection of freedom of speech in the constitution law means the government should leave all kinds of speech that hurt people without any restriction? How could we define if the words hurt? Who has the right to define the words are hate speech? How could we evaluate the value of the right of hatred propaganda and the right of honor and personality? How and why should we tolerate or restrict the “bad” speech in Taiwan? The research finds that: 1. There is no common definition of Hate Speech in comparative law, but many different descriptions of Hate Speech with the concern of minority and disempowered groups. 2. There are many different viewpoints in dealing with the constitutionality of restriction of Hate Speech between the decisions of the supreme court of U.S.A., Germany, Frence and Spain. 3. It’s proper to define Hate Speech as the words intimidate, humiliate, assault or defame minority based on the group of race, nationality, religion, sexual orientation and other identifiable group characteristic, in order to protect their right to be treat as a member in the society. 4. The argument against restriction of Hate Speech is that how could the government define what Hate Speech is, and ban the “bad” speech without the clear and present danger. In other words, we should be very careful if the government defines our speaking manner or what is right by restricting Hate Speech. In my opinion, the government should ban Hate Speech which humiliates minority’s personality and diginity. 5. The “bad” speech that humiliates people in Taiwan may be separated as “Local Hate Speech”, “Ethnic Hate Speech” (against Fukkien, Hakka and “Mainland Chinese in Taiwan”), “Independence/Reunion Hate Speech” (against pan-blue/pan-green). Considering Taiwanese are familiar with the ethnic group based on Fukkien, Hakka, “Mainland Chinese in Taiwan”, aborigine and pan-blue/pan-green, the research finds “Local Hate Speech”, “Ethnic Hate Speech” and “Independence/Reunion Hate Speech” are also one kind of Hate Speech. 6. The restriction on Local Hate Speech based on race, nationality, sexual orientation, HIV, foreign brides/mainland brides is appropriate and proportional. 7. It meight also be appropriate to ban the “Ethnic Hate Speech” and “Independence/Reunion Hate Speech”, however it would exceed the degree of proportionality required by Article 23 of the Constitution to do so. Because it meight violate the freedom of speech giving the government the right to tell what is right and what’s the good way to express. Besides, the opinions toward independence or reunion are high-valued speech, more speech would be better than less speech in the area of political-related issue.

參考文獻


曾嬿芬(2004),〈引進外籍勞工的國族政治〉,臺灣社會學刊第32期,頁1-58。
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徐偉群(2005),《論妨害名譽罪的除罪化》,國立臺灣大學法律學研究所博士論文。
吳典倫(2005),《美國法上種族仇恨性言論之研究》,國立臺灣大學法律學研究所碩士論文。
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被引用紀錄


林煜騰(2014)。論公民與政治權利國際公約下仇恨性言論之管制 -以跨國網路為核心〔碩士論文,國立臺灣大學〕。華藝線上圖書館。https://doi.org/10.6342/NTU.2014.02067

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