王昇與「劉少康辦公室」：1980年代臺灣威權體制末期的權力震盪

1980年總統蔣經國任命國防部總政治部主任王昇主持「劉少康辦公室」，權傾一時。但是1983年春，劉少康辦公室突然遭無預警裁撤，王昇被派任為巴拉圭大使、排除在權力核心之外。蔣經國為何重用國民黨強硬派代表王昇？王昇劉少康辦公室為何在這麼短的時間內起落？蔣經國是臺灣民主的發動者嗎？這是臺灣民主化過程中的未解之謎。本研究指出，蔣經國作為威權統治者，為了維繫統治於長久，他窮盡溫和或強硬等各種方法，都無法化解黨外民主運動對其政權的挑戰。美麗島大逮捕後，反對運動更加茁壯，王昇與劉少康辦公室在此刻上場，意味著威權末期統治集團的最後一搏。保守派王昇自1970年代勢力擴張以來，行事日漸囂張，1980年代獲得大權，更是令人側目。王昇擅權跋扈引起諸多指控，是蔣經國決定將其拔除的重要原因。本研究闡明威權末期臺灣統治集團的實況。獨裁者老邁病弱之際，正是統治集團內部激烈政治鬥爭上演時刻。王昇在強人病弱之際掌握大權，引發統治集團內部競爭與緊張關係，王昇與劉少康辦公室受到各方掣肘抵制，事實上無法順利運作。統治集團內部的對抗，不只來自權力爭奪，也因為自由派與保守派的路線競爭，部分黨務系統與行政官僚具有改革意識、務實主張，認為王昇長久以來的意識形態鬥爭與宣傳手法，已經無法有效因應時代挑戰。美國政府自1970年代末期日益關注臺灣人權狀況與民主發展，蔣經國對臺灣民主化也有若干承諾。王昇等強硬派登場、壓迫人權，違背美方期待。有關美國政府在臺灣民主化中的角色需要更多的研究。

關鍵字

蔣經國；王昇；劉少康辦公室；威權

並列摘要

In 1980, President Chiang Ching-Kuo appointed Wang Sheng, director of the Political Warfare Department of the Ministry of Defense, to preside over the Liu Shao-kang Office, which coordinated policy toward Mainland China and political control on the island. However, the Liu Shao-kang Office was suddenly abolished in the spring of 1983 and Wang Sheng was sent away as ambassador to Paraguay, thus excluded from the core of power in Taiwan. Why did Chiang Ching-kuo appoint the hardliner Wang Sheng to this powerful position? And why did Wang Sheng and his office experience such an abrupt rise and fall? Did Chiang Chingkuo indeed initiate Taiwan's democratization? As an authoritarian ruler, Chiang Ching-kuo had exhausted various methods in maintaining his regime yet still failed to resolve challenges from the Tangwai democratic movement. After the arrest of the Formosa magazine group, the opposition movement actually grew stronger. The emergence of Wang Sheng and the Liu Shao-kang Office at this juncture signified a last-ditch struggle by Chiang's ruling group in the final days of Taiwan's authoritarian era. Wang Sheng had behaved with increasing arrogance since the expansion of his power in the 1970s. His control over the Liu Shao-kang Office caused even greater uneasiness among his peers in the early 1980s. As Wang Sheng's domineering style attracted more and more criticisms within the regime, it became an important factor that led to Chiang Ching-kuo's decision to remove him. This study illustrates the power dynamics within the ruling group toward the end of authoritarian rule in Taiwan. An old and ailing dictator set the stage for a fierce political struggle within the ruling group. Wang Sheng's enhanced power triggered competition and tension among the factions. Resistance from other factions made it difficult for the Liu Shao-kang Office to operate smoothly. There was also a rivalry between liberals and conservatives within the group. Some party members and government officials were more pragmatic and reform-minded, who saw Wang Sheng's hardline views and methods as ineffective in handling the internal and external challenges to the regime. The United States government also began to pay greater attention to Taiwan's human rights condition and democratic development in the late 1970s. President Chiang Ching-kuo had made commitments to the US on the democratization of Taiwan. The rise of hardliners such as Wang Sheng and his oppression of human rights clearly went against the expectations of the United States. More research is still needed on the role of US government in the democratization of Taiwan.