民粹主義的流行已經成為世界上民主國家的一大難題,在美洲、歐洲、亞洲都可以找到代表性人物。台灣在這一波民粹浪潮中,也出現了指標性人物,那就是2018年崛起的韓國瑜。在指認韓國瑜為民粹人物之前,本文對民粹主義的定義做了檢討,並建立一套民粹特徵的指標。從目前對民粹主義的討論中,本文整理出五個民粹主義的特徵:1.反精英的道德論述及陰謀論;2.歧視及反多元的主張;3.威權及反制度傾向;4.不信任大眾媒體;5.反專家言論等五點做評估。此外,鑑於網路在政治傳播中的重要性,本文也定義了「網路科技民粹主義」的三點特徵,分別是:1.候選人的決策核心包含大數據專家;2.串連極端分子,散播仇恨言論及假新聞;3.政治領袖是非傳統、非典型菁英。根據本文的分析,韓國瑜的民粹特徵是在總統選舉時期才開始明顯,但他並不屬於「網路科技民粹主義」,也不是非常有領導能力的民粹人物。倒是他的死忠支持者,也就是所謂的韓粉,表現出更強烈的民粹態度。因此,韓國瑜的落選尚不能標誌台灣民粹主義的衰退,未來仍有可能再出現民粹浪潮。
The trend of populism has become an issue in the democratic countries around the world. Taiwan also joins this trend, the figure politician named Han Kuo-yu rose in year 2018. Before identifying Han to be a populist, this article would first review the definitions of populism and then establish a set of indicators for prescribing populism. In fact, the characteristic of populism can be assessed by the following indicators: 1. Anti-elitist discourse and conspiracy theory; 2. Assertions of discrimination and anti-pluralism; 3. Authoritarian and anti-institutionalism predispositions; 4. Distrust of the mass media; 5. Attitude of anti-expertise. Moreover, given that the internet is important in the political communication, this article also defined the "internet-technological populism" with 3 features, which are: the big data experts playing the core decision makers in the election campaign; cooperation with extremist web writers; unconventional, atypical political leaders. Our analysis concluded that, the populist features of Han starts to become obvious during the presidential campaign, but his mode doesn't belong to the internet-technological populism, and he himself is not even a competent leader. However, his hard-core supporters, aka Han-fans, take on stark and more active populist attitude. Therefore, Han's failure doesn't mean the recession of the populism in Taiwan, the populist wave may still strike again in the future.