- 學位論文
女性主義外交政策的形成與挑戰：瑞典、加拿大與臺灣經驗
The Formations and Challenges of Feminist Foreign Policies: The Experiences of Sweden, Canada and Taiwan
摘要
2014年瑞典提出女性主義外交政策後，加拿大於2017年跟進提出女性主義國際援助政策，其展現了兩國在國際社會上欲透過外交行動來促進性別平等的決心，然兩國在政策目標與側重面向上有明顯的差異，瑞典重視性別平等、而加拿大則重視經濟賦權，此形塑了本文的問題意識，欲透過國內政治因素來分析使兩國女性主義外交政策不同的原因為何，分別從行動者層次、制度層次與公民社會層次進行探討，涵蓋國家領導人、外交部長、政黨、援外組織與公民團體聯盟等五個面向，並以個案研究法與比較外交政策來進行分析，同時兼論女性主義外 交政策於臺灣推行的挑戰。 研究結果發現，使兩國女性主義外交政策不同的主要因素乃行動者層次中的關鍵政策領導人，其主導了政策的目標設定與注重面向，而在比較中可以發現瑞典案例中為外交部長瓦爾斯特倫、加拿大案例中為總理杜魯道，分別透過自身生平經驗、價值觀、重視議題與主導目的來影響政策的走向，也體現在其自傳與不同場合的演講或公開聲明中。另外本文也發現了對兩國女性主義外交政策產生影響的次要原因，比較後可以發現制度層次與公民社會層次亦有影響力，但在兩國的作用力不同，瑞典案例中公民社會層次透過實際的倡議行動改變了後續女性主義外交政策的行動措施，而加拿大案例中制度層次則體現了女性主義國際援助政策承接過往援外組織側重方向，擁有幾乎一致的目標設定。 最後，本文在分析與比較臺灣國內政治因素後，認為女性主義外交政策符合當前政府的踏實外交政策主軸，而本國過往的性別平等經驗可以為政策提供基礎，進一步強化國際連結與良善國家形象，然儘管國家領導人蔡英文對於性別平等有所關注，臺灣在推動政策上仍面臨不少挑戰，除了總統與外交部長對「女性主義」價值缺乏論述，受限於臺灣外交困境之下，制度層次中援外組織亦缺乏性別平等廣泛行動的經驗、公民社會層次缺乏對議題的關注，提升了推動女性主義外交政策的成本，因此臺灣在國內政治層面上仍有相當的改善空間。
並列摘要
Sweden proposed its Feminist Foreign Policy in 2014, while Canada proposed its Feminist International Aid Policy in 2017, demonstrating the determination of both countries to promote gender equality through foreign actions in the international community. However, the two countries have distinct differences in policy objectives and priorities. On the one hand, Sweden places emphasis on gender equality, while, on the other hand Canada emphasizes economic empowerment. These varying points of focus shapes the underlying question of this study, which examines the domestic dimensions to analyze the reasons for the differences in feminist foreign policies between the two countries. The analysis covers three levels: actors, institutions, and civil society. Furthermore, it encompasses five factors: national leaders, foreign ministers, political parties, foreign aid organizations, and alliances of civil society groups. The analysis is conducted through case studies and a comparative approach to foreign policies while discussing the challenges faced in implementing the feminist foreign policy in Taiwan. The results indicate that the key factor leading to the differences of formations in both countries’ feminist foreign policies lies in the level of actors, particularly the influential policy makers, who shape the policy orientation and priorities. In the case of Sweden, Foreign Minister Margot Wallström played a significant role, while in the case of Canada, it was Prime Minister Justin Trudeau. Their personal experiences, values, and priorities influenced the direction of the policies, reflected in their biographies, speeches, and public statements. Additionally, the study identifies the secondary factors that influenced both countries’ feminist foreign policies. The comparative analysis found that, in both countries, institutions and civil society also play a role, with varying degrees of influence. In the case of Sweden, the alliances of civil society groups exerted influence through advocacy that changed subsequent measures in feminist foreign policies. In Canada’s case, the analysis of the institutional level reflected that feminist international aid policy inherited the focus of previous foreign aid organizations, resulting in almost identical policy objectives. At the end, after analyzing and comparing Taiwan’s domestic dimensions, this study concludes that feminist foreign policy aligns with the current government's foreign policy. Taiwan's experiences in gender equality provide a foundation for such policy and further strengthen international connections or foster a positive image of the country. However, despite President Tsai Ing-wen's concern for gender equality, several challenges remain in promoting related policies. These challenges include a lack of discourse on “feminism” by the President or Foreign Minister, limitations imposed by Taiwan's diplomatic situation, a lack of experience in extensive action on gender equality within foreign aid organizations at the institutional level, and a lack of attention to feminist foreign policy at the civil society level. These factors increase the cost of promoting feminist foreign policies and indicate considerable room for improvement within Taiwan’s domestic context