現代日語中經常能看到以動詞來表達「驚訝性(mirativity)」的語句,如「あっ、あった!(啊,有了!)」「あっ、来た、来た!(啊,來了來了!)」等。該類語句中的資訊對說話者而言多為全新或意想不到的情報,因此會使說話者產生心理上的波動。本研究將聚焦於該類語句中動詞的ta形態與ru形態,並闡明該二形態所表現出的驚訝性的差異以及其引發驚訝性的機制。首先,根據本論文的考察可得知,話語中的驚訝性可依其實際事態與謂語動詞兩者的時態(tense)及體貌(aspect)是否一致,來區分成有標記性的「既成事態發現型」與無標記性的「眼前事態描寫型」二類。接著本論文更進一步分析出了表驚訝性的語句中,說話者使用動詞ta形態及ru形態的各別前提條件。如當說話者因「帶有確認意識的觀察行為」而產生驚訝性時,便會使用動詞的ta形態;反之若說話者因「未帶有確認意識的觀察行為」而產生驚訝性時,則會使用動詞的ru形態。 在表驚訝性的動詞ta形態中,若其驚訝性為有標記性的既成事態發現型時,狀態動詞ta形態的驚訝性便是源於其「過去完成體」的時間性;運動動詞ta形態的驚訝性則是源於其「現在perfect體」的時間性。其中,前者發現事態的流程為[帶有確認意識的觀察行為—過去狀態存在—發現該狀態];後者的流程則為[某運動的完結—帶有確認意識的觀察行為—發現因該運動的完結而產生的延續效力]。而能以ta形態來表現無標記性眼前事態描寫型驚訝性的用法則僅限於運動動詞。此時的驚訝性雖是源於ta形態「過去完成體」的時間性,但仍會透過與其他搭配詞的共現來呈現,並可見其發現事態的流程則為[帶有確認意識的觀察行為—某運動的開始或完結—發現因該運動的開始或完結而產生的延續效力]。 另一方面,在表驚訝性的動詞ru形態中,能表現有標記性既成事態發現型驚訝性的用法則僅限於運動動詞。該用法表現出說話者對不滿足外在條件的「屬性可能」所產生的驚訝性,是一種帶有驚訝的「屬性可能」。此時說話者所關心的並非實際事態的時態或體貌,而是事物所含有的「屬性可能」性質,因此可將此類表驚訝性的ru形態視作從時間性中解放的用法。而若動詞ru形態所表現的驚訝性為無標記性眼前事態描寫型時,運動動詞ru形態的驚訝性源於其「未來完成體」的時間性,並可見其發現的流程為[未帶有確認意識的觀察行為—發現即將發生的事態—未來事態的發生(預測)];而狀態動詞ru形態的驚訝性會透過與其他搭配詞的共現來呈現,且結合前一段結論可得知狀態動詞在表現驚訝性時,會以ru形態表現無標記性眼前事態描寫型的驚訝性,並以ta形態表現有標記性既成事態發現型的驚訝性,兩者呈現互補關係。
In modern Japanese, it's common to see expressions using verbs to convey "mirativity," such as "あっ、あった!" (Ah, there it is!) and "あっ、来た、来た!" (Ah, they've come!). In these expressions, the information is usually new or unexpected to the speaker, thus causing a psychological fluctuation to them. This study focuses on the Ta-form and Ru-form of verbs in such expressions, elucidating the differences in mirativity expressed by these two forms and the mechanisms underlying their elicitation of mirativity. According to this paper’s analysis, based on the consistency or inconsistency of tense and aspect in the actual situation and verb predicate, mirativity in discourse can be classified into two types: the marked "accomplished-situation-noticed" (ASN) type and the unmarked "present-situation-described" (PSD) type. This paper then analyzes the respective conditions for speakers to use Ta-form and Ru-form of verbs in expressing mirativity within sentences. For instance, when speakers experience mirativity due to "an observation with a consciousness of confirmation," they use the Ta-form of the verb; conversely, when speakers experience mirativity due to "an observation without a consciousness of confirmation," they use the Ru-form of the verb. On the one hand, concerning the mirativity expressed through the Ta-form of verbs, when the mirativity is of the marked ASN type, the mirativity of Ta-form of the stative verbs originates from their "past perfective aspect," while of the dynamic verbs, it originates from their "present PERFECT aspect." In the former case, the process of discovery unfolds as "observation with a consciousness of confirmation—existence of the past state—discovery of that state," while in the latter case, it unfolds as "completion of a certain action—observation with a consciousness of confirmation—discovery of the continued efficacy resulting from the completion of that action." However, the usage of Ta-form to express the unmarked PSD type of mirativity is restricted to dynamic verbs. In this case, although the mirativity originates from the Ta-form's "past perfective aspect," it is often presented through co-occurrence with other contextual elements. The process of discovery here can be observed as "observation with a consciousness of confirmation—start or completion of a certain action—discovery of the continued efficacy resulting from the start or completion of that action." On the other hand, concerning the mirativity expressed through the Ru-form of verbs, the usage to convey marked ASN type mirativity is limited to dynamic verbs. This usage illustrates the speaker's surprise towards the "potential attribute" not being fulfilled due to the lack of external conditions, which is considered to carry a sense of surprise. In this case, the speaker's concern lies not in the tense or aspect of the actual situation but in the inherent "potential attribute" of the object, suggesting that this usage of the Ru-form of verbs is liberated from temporal constraints. Conversely, regarding the mirativity of the unmarked PSD type for the Ru-form of verbs, the mirativity expressed through dynamic verbs originates from the "future perfect aspect" of the Ru-form, with the process of discovery unfolding as "observation without a consciousness of confirmation—discovery of an impending event—occurrence of the future event (prediction)." As for stative verbs, they express mirativity in co-occurrence with contextual elements. Concluded from above discussions, it is evident that concerning the mirativity of stative verbs, there exists a complementary relation between the usage of Ta-form of verbs to represent the marked ASN type and the usage of Ru-form of verbs to represent the unmarked PSD type.