因地制宜：習近平時期中國大陸地方政府惠台政策內容之比較

習近平上台之後，中國大陸推出諸多「惠台政策」，並採單方主義作為以促進兩岸的經濟社會融合，「惠台31條」即為顯例。惠台31條受到各地方政府的響應，紛紛推出實施細則。本文認為要分析當今大陸的對台政策與工作，應更細緻地了解地方政府於其中的功能及影響力，因此，綜合中共傳統的統一戰線理論及經濟治略暨整合理論觀點，本文打破國家作為對台經濟統戰行為體的框架，改由28個地方政府的惠台政策作為分析內容。本文旨在勾勒出惠台31條「因地制宜」的輪廓，並探討可能影響的變因。因此，本文將惠台31條內容類型化，並逐一檢視地方實施細則條文，以比較各地優惠內容與程度之差異。其次，本文假設地方的對台政治、經濟、社會交流與該地實施細則之優惠程度呈現正向關係，以台商協會數量、各地台商投資總額及台灣人在當地數量為分析指標，檢證本文假設是否成立。研究結果發現，透過各地實施細則的條文分析，可突顯地方政府各所偏好的優惠類型，以及地方僅有的特色條文。經過交流程度與優惠程度的綜合分析，本文發現政治、經濟交流程度與實施細則優惠程度呈現正相關，社會交流則較難作為合理的解釋。進一步交叉比較各省市，本文找出高交流、低優惠與低交流、高優惠兩種極端案例，並試圖解釋案例背後的政策思維與考量。惠台31條地方實施細則的研究，不僅是對各省市惠台政策進行全盤的探索，亦是對經濟治略觀點應用於兩岸關係的補充，現實上更具有政策建議與參考的價值。

關鍵字

惠台31條；對台交流；習近平；地方政府；經濟治略；比較分析

並列摘要

In recent years, mainland China has released several “preferential policies” that aim to attract more Taiwanese enterprises and citizens to invest and work in China. Among those, a set of 31 new preferential policies was unilaterally launched by mainland China’s Taiwan Affairs Office with the view of promoting economic and social integration across the Taiwan Strait. Afterwards, China’s 28 provincial-level governments have successively taken tailored measures to implement those policies. Based on economic statecraft and integration theory, the study replaces the state with local government as actor in implementing China’s united front strategy. The purpose of this thesis is to investigate and compare the differences among local measures by categorizing the content of the measures. Another aim is to explore the causes behind these differences. This study assumes that there is a positive correlation between mainland China’s local provinces’ socio-political and economic relations with Taiwan and their preferential degree towards Taiwan. More specifically, the more the number of Taiwanese business associations, foreign direct investment from Taiwan, as well as Taiwanese residents in a Chinese local province, the higher the preferential degree given in the particular measures of that province. By adopting comparative research methodology, the study discovers that the political and economic exchanges would influence the degree of preferences amongst different provinces, but the social exchanges would not. Furthermore, two kinds of extreme cases are found and explained in the research, specifically: high exchanges - low preferences, and low exchanges - high preferences. This thesis has not only shed light on 31 preferential policies and their local version, but also acted as an important supplement to the application of economic statecraft theory in explaining the Cross-Strait relations. Finally, the findings of this study can be simultaneously served as policy recommendations and references.