19世紀的人類學者往往以文化進化論的觀點來套用在史前社會組織上,並認為這些史前聚落,若無大型建築物或極端物質文化出現即為平權社會。但倘若從墓葬的角度來看,跳脫系統功能論、生態決定論或是唯物主義的框架,埋葬行為和陪葬品與死者的社會脈絡息息相關,埋葬行為也可能反映了生者所做的選擇與社會賦予的價值體系。 故本研究試以考古學脈絡中的墓葬空間分析、埋葬型式、陪葬品的類型學、體質人類學觀察與民族誌資料作為借鑒,探討墓葬和陪葬品組合所形成的埋葬行為模式,如何呈現其社會內部的差異性。研究對象為臺南科學工業園區內,道爺南遺址出土之391具墓葬和其陪葬品作為研究對象,年代距今約1250至1400年,時代與文化歸屬為鐵器時代蔦松文化蔦松期。其人骨保存狀況良好,個體數量多,在統計上具有有效性,並且在空間分布上具有顯著叢集性,因此是此議題的最佳材料。 藉由埋葬行為模式中各屬性的相關性分析發現,影響社會差異有三方面:性別、年齡和墓葬叢集規模,主要呈現在陪葬品的種類和件數上。性別上,男性和女性各有專屬的陪葬品;年齡上,部分未成年者被賦予厚葬,老年者相對較不豐富,陪葬品多集中於成年早期和成年者;叢集規模影響持有的品項和件數,大叢集有較多品項和件數,小叢集則相對單調,並且特殊類型都集中於大叢集中,但不同的大叢集也有各自偏好的品項。而外來物品,則並未都掌握在大規模叢集裡。另外,葬制(頭向、葬姿、葬具等)與陪葬品之間的關聯較低,僅有頭向非朝北者和孤立個體影響陪葬品的多樣性。綜上所述,可觀察到蔦松社會的確具有水平差異,並且主要展現在親屬叢集規模上,性別次之,最後才是年齡。
Culture evolution theory is often assumed in the 19th-century anthropologists’ works on prehistoric social organizations, and large prehistoric settlements are the indicator of an egalitarian society. However, seeing from the burial grounds and departing from structural functionalism, ecological determinism and materialism, mortuary practices and funeral goods are closed related to the social context of the deceased, and arguably reflect choices of the living as well as their socially endowed value system. In this sense, this study takes on archaeological analysis of burial space, burial patterns, typology of burial goods, physical anthropology observation and Taiwanese ethnographic data to explore how mortuary patterns reflect the differences of that society. Specifically, the research objects are 391 burials and their funeral goods unearthed from the Daoye South (TYS) Site in Southern Taiwan Science Park, dating from about 1250 to 1400 years ago. The time and culture were attributed to the Niaosong Culture of the Iron Age. It is arguably the best material for this topic because of a large number of human remains and well-preserved skeleton, which makes statistics effective; furthermore, its significant clustering in spatial distribution is also beneficial to the analysis. Based on the correlation analysis of mortuary patterns, three aspects affecting social differences are suggested: sex, age and cluster size, mainly presented in the types and number of burial goods. Regarding sex, males and females have respective burial goods. In respect of age, generous burial goods are given to some minors, while the elderly are relatively less wealthy. Moreover, most of the burial goods are concentrated in adults of early adulthood. Concerning cluster size, it affects items and quantity of funeral goods held by the cluster. Large clusters have more and various types of goods, while small clusters relatively fewer and similar. In fact, special types of goods are concentrated in larger clusters with their respective preferable types. But it is worth to point out that exotic objects are not all held in large clusters. Lastly, the correlation between burial pattern (head orientation, burial posture, funeral equipment, etc.) and burial goods is low; only the head orientation of non-northerning people and isolated individuals affect the diversity of burial goods. In conclusion, it can be observed that there are social differences in Niaosong Culture society, which are mainly manifested in cluster size, followed by sex and age.