This paper examines phonological correspondences between finals in Early Mandarin and Vietnamese as reflected in Annanguo Yiyu安南國譯語. The results can be summarized as follows: the Mandarin final ending *-m had already merged with *-n, but *-n was still distinct from *-ŋ. Entering tone stop endings入聲had already disappeared and literary and colloquial readings文白異讀, representing two distinct phonological strata, emerged. Distinctions were also evident between the literary readings of entering tone characters in the Middle Chinese rhyme classes Dàng宕攝and Jiāng江攝as compared to those of the Zēng曾攝and Gěng梗攝rhyme classes; that is, the Dàng and Jiāng rhyme classes had rounded vowels, corresponding to 'o'-type vowels in Vietnamese, while those in the Zēng and Gěng had unrounded vowels, corresponding to '□'-type and 'e'-type vowels in Vietnamese, respectively. Additionally, open開and closed合rhymes after bilabial initials did not contain any form of distinction. The medial *-w- was dropped after the lateral initial來母within the Xiè蟹攝and Zhĭ止攝rhyme classes, and the final became *-ej. The results of these phenomena are a system of finals that closely resemble Modern Mandarin, or putonghua, and provide important clues for continuing research in the phonological history of Chinese.