透過您的圖書館登入
IP:13.58.117.102
  • 期刊

論東協對南海爭端的共識與立場

The Consensus and Position of ASEAN toward South China Sea Issue

摘要


東協各國政府廣泛地認為,南海爭端是冷戰後東南亞主要的「衝突引爆點」。它也對東協的團結及其有關和平解決爭端的規範帶來了嚴峻的考驗。由於並非所有東協成員國都是南海島礁的聲索國,因此,東協對南海的共識與立場始終受到各國在南海不同利益的影響而罕有「一致性」,而東協決策的模式也顯示其南海政策立場的結構性問題。對南海衝突管理與海域劃界涉及的東協會員國至少有越南、菲律賓、馬來西亞與汶萊,印尼和新加坡的立場也值得關注。本文目的是探討作為一個整體的東協,如何回應南海緊張局勢的升高。雖然東協「共識」(consensus)的程度似乎在制定《東協憲章》(ASEAN Charter)已經有所進步,但共識仍受到現實政治的限制。本文主要討論「南海各方行為宣言」(Declaration on the Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea, DOC)和「南海行為準則」(Code of Conduct on the South China Sea, COC)的發展進程,以及東協對於菲律賓提出「和平、自由、友誼與合作區」(Zone of Peace, Freedom, Friendship, and Cooperation, ZOPFFC)的回應。

並列摘要


The South China Sea (SCS) dispute was widely viewed by ASEAN governments as the major ’flashpoint of conflict’ in the post-Cold War Southeast Asia. It also posed a serious test of ASEAN’s unity and of its norms concerning peaceful settlements of disputes. Because not all ASEAN member countries are the claim countries of the SCS islands and reefs, therefore, the consensus and position of ASEAN on the SCS have always been rare "consistency" due to different interests in the SCS. ASEAN decision-making style also shows structural problems of its policy stance in the SCS. ASEAN members on conflict management in the SCS and the maritime delimitation involve at least Vietnam, the Philippines, Malaysia and Brunei; Indonesia and Singapore’s positions are also noteworthy. The purpose of this paper is to explore how ASEAN as a whole responds to the rise of tensions in the SCS. Although the extent of the ASEAN consensus seems to make progress in the development of the ASEAN Charter, consensus is still subject to the limitations of political realities. This article focuses on the developmental process of the Declaration on the Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea (DOC) and the Code of Conduct for the South China Sea (COC), and the ASEAN responses to the Philippines’ zone of peace, Freedom, friendship and cooperation (ZOPFFC) initiative.

參考文獻


中華民國外交部網站,「外交部重申中華民國對南沙群島、西沙群島、中沙群島、東沙群島及其周遭水域擁有主權,任何與南海相關之機制應邀我國參與,對於無我方參與所達成之任何協議,中華民國政府一概不予承認」,2011 年7 月20 日。.
李瓊莉()。
楊昊()。
宋燕輝(1996)。『南海會議』與中華民國之參與:回顧與展望。問題與研究。35(2),15-39。

被引用紀錄


王詮閔(2016)。美國亞太再平衡戰略之下美國對中政策(2009年至2014年)〔碩士論文,淡江大學〕。華藝線上圖書館。https://doi.org/10.6846/TKU.2016.00819
劉宛禎(2016)。論中國一帶一路之戰略意涵:以亞洲基礎設施投資銀行為例〔碩士論文,淡江大學〕。華藝線上圖書館。https://doi.org/10.6846/TKU.2016.00074
劉育麟(2014)。避險之後: 新加坡與菲律賓避險戰略成效之比較(2002-2013)〔碩士論文,國立臺灣大學〕。華藝線上圖書館。https://doi.org/10.6342/NTU.2014.01378
賴皇橋(2016)。從三位體理論看美中越三邊關係的發展〔碩士論文,國立中正大學〕。華藝線上圖書館。https://www.airitilibrary.com/Article/Detail?DocID=U0033-2110201614060002

延伸閱讀