本文討論在二○○二年中共召開第十六屆全國黨代表大會前後,中共政治改革的動向及其與十六大的關係•本文檢視了五個政改的案例:「幹部人事制度改革」、「黨內制衡」、「三個代表」、「社會民主黨」、以及「潘岳政改報告」。其中真正獲得實踐的只有第一個,「三個代表」已經成為一個權力效忠運動以及江澤民的權力鞏固指標,其他三個僅止於構想。然本文藉著探討這些案例,旨在討論在十六大這個政權最脆弱、權力鬥爭最激烈的時刻,這些或實或虛的政改方案如何讓我們觀察清楚中共政權的本質及其領導人對於政權自身的思考和想法。本文認為,中共政權面臨著嚴重的合法性危機,但是它企圖以完全不敔動F政治民主化」的方式,改善其統治的能力與效力,減低其與社會和人民之閒愈來愈大的緊張和矛盾,最終的目的並非為二十幾年來委展所帶來的總體政經體系的難題尋求出路,而是在維持其一賞執政的前提下繼續鞏固其一黨執政的政治基礎。
This article discusses China’s political reform before and after CCP’s Sixteenth Party Congress, and their relationship. This article examines five cases: “Cadre system reform,”“check within the party,”“three represents,”“social democratic party,” and “Pan Yue’s political reform report.” Among the five cases, only the first case, “the cadre system reform” has been put into practice. The “three represents” has become a political campaign of expressing loyalty to Jiang Zemin. The rest three cases are only proposals. By examining these cases, this article illustrates the intentions of CCP’s leadership in raising these reform proposals at the dawn of the Sixteenth Party when power structure was most vulnerable. This article argues that when facing legitimacy crisis, the CCP regime tried to launch political without starting “political democracy” to improve its ruling capability and efficacy, and to lower the tension between the regime and the people. The final goal is not to seek a final solution to the problems caused by the economic reform from the past twenty years, but to consolidate the political basis of the one-party rule.