Based on Hakka texts of the Basel Mission Society (late 19^(th) and early 20^(th) centuries), this paper examines the origin of the causative use of bun^1, a general-purpose verb of giving. It is generally held that bun^1 illustrates a case of polygrammaticalization (e.g., Lai 2001, Chiang 2006). Crucial to this account is the existence of the bun^1+IO+DO pattern (the Type A construction). A closer scrutiny of the texts, however, shows that the Type A construction was not found. Since only the bun^1+DO+IO pattern (the Type B construction) was attested and the causative use of bun^1 in the Basel Mission texts is not uncommon, we suggest that the causative use is a further development from the purposive use of bun^1. Due to differences in information status of the two events, the causing event is backgrounded and the caused event foregrounded, leading to the emergence of a new mono-clausal causative construction.
根據巴色會於19 世紀末、20 世紀初出版的客語文獻紀錄,本文考察客語給予動詞「分」的致使用法之來源和演變。既有文獻中一般主張「分」呈現多向語法化的現象(如Lai 2001,Chiang 2006),然而巴色會的語料顯示當時「分」的雙賓結構只有「分+直接賓語+間接賓語」(雙賓B 式)的類型,而無「分+間接賓語+直接賓語」(雙賓A 式)的類型,但「分」的致使用法卻非常普遍,因此本文主張「分」的致使用法並非直接由雙賓A 式的「分」的動詞用法而來,而是「分」的表目的標記用法進一步演變的結果,由於新舊訊息的配置和事件的前景化和背景化,導致新結構的產生,造成表面上語序的差異。