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CERTAINTY IN FUNCTIONAL UNCERTAINTY

‘功能待定理論’中的確定性

摘要


This paper offers a non-movement account of Mandarin Chinese Unbounded Dependencies, including topicalization and relativization. The theory of Functional Uncertainty (Zaenen and Kaplan 1989) in Lexical-functional Grammar is adopted. It is shown that various predictions of movements accounts, such as island constraints, are not borne out in Mandarin. In contrast, the seemingly problematic contrasts between Mandarin and languages observing island constraint can be straight-forwardly accounted for with our functional uncertainty analysis. We also observe that dependencies involving Mandarin object controllers are not allowed, contrary to the prediction of multiple path resolutions in the theory of functional uncertainty. We argue that this is due to a language specific parameter requiring that a dependency ends in a unique function. Formal revisions of theoretical definitions are proposed to account for this parameter as well to reconcile the potential conflict between the functional uniqueness condition and the theory of functional uncertainty.

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並列摘要


本文就漢語主題句及關係子句提出不涉移位的分析。這個分析所採用的理論基礎是Zaenen and Kaplan(1989)在詞彙功能語法(LPG)下提出的‘功能待定理論’(Functional Uncertainty)。文中首先指出移位分析往往無法正確分析漢語語料,例如‘孤島限制’在漢語中有不少難預測的例外。本文的分析不但正確預測這些語料,并為不同語言間的變異提供了可行的描述。本文並且觀察到漢語的一個特異結構,即遞繫句的賓語一定要在標準(Canonical)位置出現。在‘功能待定理論’下,本文提出對‘功能獨性’(Functional Uniqueness)這個基本定義之修正,解決‘功能待定’及‘功能獨特’在形式規範上之可能衝突,并藉以解釋漢語及其他語言之對比。

並列關鍵字

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