ON THE SYNTAX OF THE SUO CONSTRUCTION IN CLASSICAL CHINESE

古汉语所字结构之句法分析

丁仁(Jen Ting)

《Journal of Chinese Linguistics》 33卷2期 (2005/06) Pp. 233-267

摘要

This paper investigates the suo construction in Classical Chinese and attempts to provide a proper syntactic analysis of it by comparing it with its modem Chinese counterpart. I extend and modify Ting's (2003a) analysis of the modem suo construction to account for the Classical suo construction. Like its counterpart in modem Chinese, the Classical suo is a clitic in overt syntax, raising from N^0 to I^0 in overt syntax. This explains its fixed position with respect to other elements in the clause, as well as the fact that it may stand for grammatical object, location, but not grammatical subject. The reason why it may stand for manner and reason as well as grammatical object of a preposition, in contrast to the modem suo, is due to different categorial status of coverbs in modem and Classical Chinese; namely, that modem Chinese prepositions are in fact verbs in Classical Chinese. Unlike the modern suo, which is a variable, the Classical suo undergoes further movement from I^0 to C^0 at LF to fulfill its operator status. I argue that this explains why suo is optional in modem Chinese, but obligatory in Classical Chinese. This analysis echoes the conventional wisdom, which may be traced back to Ma (1898) that the classical suo is a relative pronoun. But crucially I argue that suo is such a pronoun, not in the overt syntax, but at LF.

關鍵字

Classical Chinese ； the particle suo ； clitic ； relative clause ； head movement

並列摘要

本文研究古汉语所字结构，希望藉由与现代汉语所字结构之比较，对其提出一个合理的分析。本文延伸及修改丁（2003a）对现代汉语所字结构的分析，以解释古汉语与现代汉语所字结构句法表现的不同，如同现代汉语的所，古汉语的所为一粘着性代词，在句法操作层面由N^0提升至I^0。这可解释其在句中的固定位置，及可指代及物动词宾语、地点但非主语等语言事实。但古汉语的所，与现代汉语不同，可指代方式、原因及介词宾语，这是由于现代汉语的介词在古汉语其实是动词之故。而所字在古汉语与现代汉语另一不同之处在于现代汉语可省略所字，但古汉语不容许省略。这是由于古汉语的所会在逻辑形式进一步由I^0提升至C^0。因此我主强现代汉语的所为变量，而古汉语的所則为运符。这个分析呼应马建忠认为所动接读代字的主张，不同之处在于本文认为所在逻辑形式，而非句法操作层面，才成为接读代字。

並列關鍵字

古漢語 ； 所字 ； 弱代詞 ； 關系子句 ； 核心語移動