This paper aims to demonstrate that the yu-dative construction with the syntactic structure "V+DO+yu+IO" which is grounded in the SOCIAL domain, is a metaphorical extension from the caused motion construction grounded in the more basic SPATIAL domain. Since there is another dative construction with the syntactic structure "V+IO+DO" in Archaic Chinese, the semantic difference between the two and the diachronic significance of metaphorical extension in the coding of a GIVE event would be further explored. It will also be shown that there is an inherent affinity between dative and causative constructions as both the double-object dative and yu-dative constructions could be further extended to encode an event of causativity.