透過您的圖書館登入
IP:18.219.63.90
  • 學位論文

2014年臺北市長選舉跨媒體議題設定研究—以柯文哲與連勝文臉書為例

Framing in Newspaper Coverage and Candidates’ Facebook: Intermedia Agenda Setting in Taipei Mayoral Election of 2014

指導教授 : 王泰俐

摘要


本研究以2014 年臺北市長選舉之兩項重要議題—MG149 帳戶爭議事件、竊聽事件—為例,利用內容分析法,輔以時間滯延之相關性分析(cross-lagged correlations)實證候選人臉書貼文與新聞報導間的跨媒體議題設定效果。 本研究分別以285則臉書貼文與372則新聞報導進行皮爾森相關係數(Pearson correlations)檢驗。研究結果顯示,兩競選陣營之臉書貼文與四大報新聞報導在「議題框架」、「形象框架」、「策略框架」以及「意識形態框架」四類框架的使用頻次上呈高度正相關;經時間滯延相關性檢驗,說明MG149 帳戶爭議事件之期間,候選人跨媒體議題設定效果有逐漸增強之傾向;而竊聽事件中兩候選人則呈現不同的結果,連勝文陣營在事件前期被證實確有對媒體於四類報導框架的影響力,後期則以柯文哲陣營對大眾媒體的跨媒體議題設定較為顯著。 本研究證實在此次台北市長選戰的兩件重要議題中,候選人臉書與新聞報導間具有第二層級之跨媒體議題設定效果。若進一步討論正、負面語調之影響,柯營於兩議題中無論正負面貼文皆與新聞報導之正負面框架使用顯著相關,柯文哲本人之負面框架影響力較正面框架大;連營於兩事件中的正、負語調影響力未有一致的結論,MG149 帳戶爭議事件中以正面框架較為顯著,竊聽案則以負面框架更具影響效果。 本研究發現,此次選戰中兩位候選人多扮演正面宣揚的角色、負面宣傳則由雙方總幹事進行,兩相配合下皆為己方帶來不錯的跨媒體議題設定效果,這說明,在自媒體選舉中,候選人本人亦不必然擁有較強的議題設定能力,有時在團隊的專業分工之下,區別正、負面的宣傳角色對於選戰成功更具成效。例如:柯文哲配偶—陳佩琪—即為本次選戰中的亮點,她的貼文對於柯營塑造正面形象、宣揚正面議題,實功不可沒。

並列摘要


Since social media platforms have been widely applied in election campaigns as candidate-controlled media tools, candidates expect their social media outlets being influential when employing strategic actions to affect the public perception and the mass media reports in not only the topics, but also the attributes of reports. For which we know the effect as the intermedia agenda setting. This study examined whether candidates’ social media influence the news’s coverage in framing two leading candidates in both news frames and affective tones during the 2014 Taipei mayoral election, giving evidence to support both first-level and second-level agenda setting theory. With content analysis of two leading campaign issues during the election, MG149 account controversy and wiretap case, results showed strong correlation between the candidates’ Facebook posts and four major newspaper coverage in the quantity of news frame, but results for in affective tones were not confirmed. Intermedia agenda setting effect is proved occurring in both Ko’s and Lien’s campaign, since the quantity of four categories of frames (issue, image, strategy, and ideology frame) in two campaigns members’ Facebook post are aligned with those in newspaper. However, the results for affective attributes differ in each team. Ko’s team members determined a large part of the media frame at both positive and negative frame, showing that second-level intermedia agenda setting effects occurred in his campaign, while Lien’s didn’t have significant correlation with news coverage in affective dimension, only his team member apparently transferred a powerful negative frame to mass media in wiretap case.

參考文獻


左宗宏(2008)。〈2004年台灣總統大選傳統媒體、公眾與網路討論議題之關聯分析〉,《傳播與管理研究》,7(2):73-106。
左宗宏(2009)。〈2004年台灣總統大選公投議題分析〉。《高應科大人文社會科學學報》,6(1):103–116。
呂傑華(2011)。〈新媒介使用者之競選政見認知,政治信任與政治參與之行動研究〉。《資訊社會研究》,20:1-38。
胡全威(2013)。〈說服與判斷:古典修辭對當代民主的啟發〉。《政治科學論叢》,55:1-32。
祝基瀅(1983)。〈政治傳播與大眾傳播〉。《新聞學研究》,31:15-33。

被引用紀錄


邱聖雯(2017)。社群媒體與選舉:以2014年臺北市長選舉為例〔碩士論文,國立臺灣大學〕。華藝線上圖書館。https://doi.org/10.6342/NTU201703172

延伸閱讀