新疆問題中的國家認同：話語權分析（2001-2019）

本文研究新疆問題中的國家認同如何受到形塑，首先檢視中共的政策，再探究東突組織的訴求，並加入國際輿論來交互討論，亦即以三個行為者的立場來探討新疆問題的不同層次。本研究以國家認同切入，故主要以新疆再教育營的話語權交鋒為例。此外，針對《新疆日報》官網、《維吾爾人權項目》（UHRP）官網，以及國際組織的報導作內容分析，分別代表中共、東突組織、國際社會三者對新疆問題的話語權形塑。透過檢視上述三者其新聞標題的演變，並藉由關鍵字對照、尋找與重大事件的連結，以分析其用語的不同和相互對話的可能性。本文發現中共、東突組織、國際社會皆依其背後政治目的來發言，並且以完全相反的正面報導和負面報導詮釋同一件事情，亦即各方論述的內容有呈現極端化的現象。然而如此宣傳的本質反而造成三方之間更不容易對話和溝通，而《新疆日報》對內鞏固，對外反擊的報導，更已成為媒體戰／輿論戰的前奏。然而，國際輿論的影響結果無論好壞仍由新疆概括承受，影響的結果或許緩解了中共對再教育營的執行，但亦可能同時增強中共控制新疆的決心。理想上，話語權交鋒應立基於一個有效的溝通管道上，中共應拋開對立態度與世維會等維族代表性組織接觸，甚至建立官方定期開會機制。如此，若能避免國際勢力介入，新疆問題的兩個主角中共和維吾爾族才有可能展開真正對話。

關鍵字

新疆問題；中共；東突組織；國際社會；話語權；新疆再教育營；國家認同

並列摘要

This article studies national identity in the context of the Xinjiang Conflict. It first sorts out the CCP’s current Xinjiang policies, secondly explores the appeals of the East Turkistan organizations, and thirdly studies the international community’s responses to the Xinjiang Conflict. As a whole, it analyzes the standpoints of the above three actors. Since it is from the perspective of national identity, the Xinjiang re-education camps is taken for a main example. In addition, a content analysis is carried out based on the reports found in the Xinjiang Daily, Uyghur Human Rights Project (UHRP), and international organizations and media, which are respectively on behalf of the CCP, the Eastern Turkistan organizations, and the international community, to examine how the three try to shape and control the discursive power on the Xinjiang Conflict. Through analyzing the news headlines of the above three, mainly by means of keyword comparison, linking with major events, and interpreting different word choices, this study concludes that the above three establish their discourse according to their political purposes. The nature of such propaganda-like discourse has made communication among the three more difficult. It even turns out a media war/ public opinion war, when The Xinjiang Daily controls the domestic public opinion, and fights against the international public opinion. However, the international intervention has uncertain effects on the CCP, which might ease the bad condition in the re-education camps, but at the same time could strengthen the CCP's determination to control its territory. An ideal way to demonstrate discursive power should be based on an effective communication channel. The CCP should put aside its opposition to the World Uyghur Congress and other Uyghur organizations, and even establish an official regular meeting mechanism to discuss the Xinjiang Conflict with them. In so doing, international intervention will be avoided, and a real discussion will then be possible.

並列關鍵字

the Xinjiang Conflict ； the CCP ； the East Turkistan organizations ； the international community ； discursive power ； the Xinjiang re-education camps ； national identity