從統合主義的視角分析澳門特區成立後社團政治的發展

在澳門這個彈丸之地，表象上擁有近萬個合法登記社團，平均不到75人就有一個，社團無疑是探討澳門政治和社會發展的基礎單位。然而，這數量驚人的社團組織，以及異常活躍的社團活動，與現代化、制度化、民主化、公民社會發展具有必然關係與否，成為吸引許多研究者討論和分析澳門問題的重要因素。　　本研究以統合主義的視角，結合現代化進程不同理論的對話，加上對澳門社團政治發展的回顧和分析，探討特區成立後非統合主義社群的興起和突破，以及他們與政府以至統合主義社團之間的互動關係和結果，希望能夠作為學術和實務方面的參考。本研究有以下發現：一、統合主義屬於典型的解析視角：由於歷史累積、實際生活和穩定需要等，澳門社團政治模式長期傾向於統合主義理論基礎的特性，社團與政府維持密切的統合關係，相互進行政治支持和經濟利益的的交換，造就相對的政治穩定。二、制度設計助長統合社團具代表性壟斷特性：澳門社團政治普遍存在代表性壟斷此一統合主義要件，間接選舉、諮詢組織、經濟資助此三項制度設計，均保護和助長了統合社團的代表性與特權地位，有利於維持其主宰地位。三、澳門走在現代化的路向未明確：人們對現代化有助推進制度化以至民主化持觀望態度，除了等待「爆發點」，也須兼顧更宏觀的中國因素、香港局勢及本地的制度改革，均對澳門現代化進程的趨勢與結果起著重要作用。四、非統合社群興起與突破有一定作用：因應特區成立後不同的現代化階段衍生的社會發展型態，非統合社群相繼出現，政治參與和動員形式及其訴求趨向多元，他們與政府以至統合社團陣營之間，存在著「興起」與「回應」、「突破」與「反制」的緊湊關係，產生了許多化學作用及其無限可能。

關鍵字

統合主義；現代化；政治穩定理論；澳門社團政治

並列摘要

Despite the city' small size, there are nearly 10,000 legally registered associations in Macau, meaning there is one for every 75 citizens. Associations are undoubtedly a basic unit for exploring the political and social development of Macau. However, whether this remarkable number of social organizations and unusually active social activities have a correlation with the modernization, institutionalization, democratization, and the development of civil society, have become an important questions that has attracted many researchers discussing and analyzing Macau. This research starts from the perspective of corporatism, combined with the dialogue of different theories of modernization and the reviews and analysis of the political development of Macau associational politics, to investigate the emergence and breakthrough of unincorporated associations after the establishment of the Special Administrative Region, as well as their interactive relationship with the government and corporatist associations. Hopefully this research could serve as a reference for academic and practical aspects. The findings of this study are as follows: 1. Corporatism is a typical analytical perspective: due to historical factors, real life situation and the need for stability, the model of the Macau associational politics has long been inclined to the characteristics of the theoretical foundation of corporatism. The different associations maintain a close corporatist relationship with the government and provide mutual political support and exchange of economic interest, which has resulted in a relatively stable political environment. 2. Institutional design allows representational monopoly for the corporatist associations: the element of representational monopoly has always been present in Macau's associational politics. Three institutional designs, namely indirect elections, consultation organizations and financial assistance all protect and promote the representativeness and privileged position of those corporatist associations, maintaining its dominance. 3. Macau's path to modernization is unclear: People are skeptical that modernization can help push institutionalization and even democratization. In addition to waiting for the "critical juncture", they must also take into account the more macro factor such as China, the situation in Hong Kong and local institutional reforms. All these factors played an important role in the trend and outcome of Macau's modernization process. 4. The emergence and breakthrough of non-incorporated associations have a certain effect: in response to the social development patterns derived from the different stages of modernization after the establishment of the SAR, non-incorporated organizations have emerged one after another. And the forms of political participation, mobilization and their demands have become more diverse. Between these organizations, the government and even corporatist associations, there are compact relationships of "emergence" and "response", "breakthrough" and "countermeasure", which have produced many chemical reactions and their infinite possibilities.