土地改革與政權鞏固：戰後臺灣土地政策變革過程中的國家、地主與農民(1945-1953)

Land Reform as Regime consolidation: State, Landlords, and Peasantry in Post-war Taiwan's Land policy Transformation, 1945-1953

陳兆勇(Zhao-Yong Chen)

指導教授 ： 柯志明

國立臺灣大學/社會科學院/社會學研究所/博士(2011年)

https://doi.org/10.6342/NTU.2011.01608

摘要

本論文從國家、地主與農民三個集體行動者的互動過程來解釋戰後初期臺灣的土地改革。行動者的抉擇受其擁有的權力以及既存的歷史社會條件之限制。行動者的利益考量和權力大小則與其所處的社會結構位置息息相關。其中，國家是最有權力的行動者，其決策考量對土地政策的發展影響甚大。研究發現，國府將土地改革當作策略性工具，用以解決戰後初期（1945-1953年）所遭遇的統治難題。依據國府施政所要解決的核心問題，這段土地改革史可以用1950年的過渡期為界，分為前後兩個時期。
前期從戰後到1949年底，問題重心在從臺灣汲取糧食以供應軍稰公糧。此時期的公地放租、墾荒暨公地放領和私地減租三個措施都或深或淺受糧政影響。長官公署原本將公地放租當作財政收入的一環，隨即將其改為糧食汲取工具。1948年魏道明省府推行墾荒暨公地放領政策來解決失業問題；但為兼顧糧政，省府限制放領面積並規定地價儘量以稻穀徵收，以免危及公地放租在糧食汲取上的功能。1949年陳誠省府實施私地減租是為了解決先前對地汲取的糧政措施所導致的租佃條件惡化及農村動盪問題，同時用以刺激糧食增產以因應遽增的軍糧負擔與本地糧食需求。減租配合肥料換穀雙重措施讓省府得以兼顧糧食增產與汲取。
後期從1950年底至1953年，首要課題在通過選舉的考驗，維持政權的穩固。1949年底國府敗退臺灣，蔣介石在美國軍方人士建議下安排其親信吳國楨擔任省主席。不料吳國楨卻違逆黨中央意旨，積極推行公地放領與地方自治選舉。1950年7月縣級選舉首度開辦後，本地地主勢力藉機而起，國府備感威脅。起初國府試圖走工農群眾路線，直接爭取廣大農民的支持與選票。黨中央採取拉攏農民、打擊地主的階級分而治之策略，制定更加偏袒佃農利益的三七五減租條例，對地主則不分大、小一律加以打壓。然而，經過時間與經驗的歷練，黨中央逐漸認清，在本地社會既存立基於人際網絡的選舉動員與投票模式下，外來政權不易直接掌控本地選民選票，難以在地方選舉中取勝。短期間內黨仍需倚靠本地勢力間接統治臺灣。1952年底黨中央調整結盟策略，並將之與土地改革措施結合，透過耕者有其田達成三個目標：整編舊菁英、扶植新勢力、中立化小地主。國府一次徵收地主菁英大量土地，有效削弱其經濟、社會力量，以利控制之，再收編順服者作為地方治理的協力者。另方面，國府不再主張限制佃農承領與佃耕的面積，給予大佃特惠利益，拉攏並扶植其成為地方基層的新勢力。1950年底起，國民黨的黨員徵收和組織發展策略也反映土地政策變革的策略用意作出相應的調整。後期土地政策的變革深受選舉開辦後政治局勢的衝擊，土地政策反過來也影響了後續臺灣地方政治的發展。

關鍵字

土地改革 ； 耕者有其田 ； 減租 ； 公地放領 ； 糧政 ； 國家與社會 ； 階級

並列摘要

The dissertation explores the interactions among the state, landlords and peasantry in the process of Taiwan’s post-war land reform. The actors’ choice of action is constrained by their power and the existing socio-historical conditions, and their interest and power are closely related to their positions in social structure; meanwhile the state is the most powerful actor, and plays the critical role in the development of land policy making. The dissertation shows that the KMT regime used land reform as a strategic tool to solve problems of governance during the period between 1945 and 1953. In addition, the history can be divided into two periods, of which the KTM government faced different core difficulties.
In the former period between 1945 and 1949, the main issue for the KMT regime was to procure rice from Taiwan to provide public grain, especially for the army. Three main land reform measures of this period were more or less affected by the grain procurement policy. The Lease of Public Farm Lands implemented by the Administrative Official Public Ministry in 1946 was for fiscal revenue initially, but soon changed as a tool for grain procurement. In 1948, the Wei Dao-Ming Provincial Government executed the Reclamation of Waste Land and the Sale of Public Land to relieve unemployment. However, in order to avoid lowering the volume of grain procurement, the area of the public land for sale was limited by the government. In 1949, the Rent Reduction of Private Farm Land implemented by the Provincial Government under the Chen Cheng administration was to stop the deterioration of tenancy conditions, caused by the grain procurement measures, and the turbulence in the rural area. The rent reduction was also aimed to stimulate food productivity to cope with increasing demand of the grain. In the meantime, the rice-fertilizer barter system assisted the Provincial Government in achieving the goals of food production growth and grain procurement as well.
In the later period between 1950 and 1953, the most important task for the KMT regime was to win the election. After retreating to Taiwan in 1949, Chiang Kai-Shek appointed Wu Guo-Zhen, his trusted follower, as the provincial governor under recommendation from the U.S. military. However, Wu went against the will of the KMT headquarters and actively implemented The Sale of Public Farm Lands and local elections. Subsequently, the KMT regime faced the threats from the rising local landlords after the county-level election of July, 1950. In the beginning, the KMT state attempted to follow the worker-peasant mass line, and seek direct support and votes from the peasants, adopted the class ‘divide-and-rule’ strategy to attract the peasants and bash the landlords, and legislated the 37.5% Farm Rent Limitation Program which favored the tenants and suppressed the landlords. But, the local voting culture was based on the interpersonal network. Under certain circumstances, the KMT regime gradually realized that it was difficult for the alien regime to control and win the local elections The KMT still needed to rely on local forces to govern Taiwan indirectly, at least within a short period of time.
Accordingly, the KMT headquarters adjusted its alliance strategy and combined it with the land reform policy in the end of 1952. Three objectives were achieved by implementing the Land-to-the-Tiller Program: 1). taming existing elites; 2). fostering new forces; 3). neutralizing small landlords. Massive amount of land from landlord elites was compulsorily purchased, which effectively weakened their economic and social power. It enhanced the KMT regime’s ability to control the local elites, and enabled her to select obedient elites as collaborators. Furthermore, the KMT state no longer limited the size of purchased and rented land per tenant. It offered substantial benefits to large tenants in order to foster them as the new local forces.
Beginning in the end of 1950, the KMT correspondingly adjusted their strategies of member recruitment and organization development. The land reform policy in the latter phase was deeply impacted by the political situations posterior to the start of local elections, while the land reform policies also affected the subsequent development of local politics in Taiwan as well.

並列關鍵字

land reform ； the land-to-the-tiller program ； rent reduction ； the sale of public farm lands ； grain procurement policy ； state-society relations ； class

參考文獻

中改會（中國國民黨中央改造委員會）編　1951a　中國國民黨中央改造委員會三十九年度工作報告。

中改會（中國國民黨中央改造委員會）編　1951b　中國國民黨中央改造委員會一年來工作報告。

王益滔　1964　臺灣之土地制度與土地政策。臺北市：臺灣銀行經濟硏究室。

決議彙編　1952　中國國民黨中央改造委員會會議決議案彙編，中央委員會秘書處編。

周婉窈　1989　日據時代的臺灣議會設置請願運動。臺北市：自立報系。