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  • 學位論文

負面黨性與民主去鞏固化: 以 2008-2020 年臺灣為例

Negative Partisanship and Democratic Deconsolidation: The Case of Taiwan in 2008 - 2020

指導教授 : 張佑宗

摘要


隨著全球許多國家出現民主倒退、民粹主義抬頭的現象,有學者認為成熟民主國家中開始出現「民主去鞏固化」(democratic deconsolidation)的現象,意即公民對民主制度的偏好下降,同時對威權體制的接受程度上升。其中政治情感極化(affective polarization)及其衍生出的「負面黨性」(negative partisanship)是一重要的原因。   本文以臺灣為例,從政黨情感極化下的負面黨性視角切入,探討負面黨性是否會影響臺灣民眾對民主的支持,以及對不同政黨有負面黨性的公民之間,對民主的支持是否有差異,藉此暸解負面黨性是否會導致臺灣的民主去鞏固化。透過「臺灣選舉與民主化調查」(TEDS)2008至2020年共四屆總統大選後的調查資料,本文發現負面黨性確實降低了臺灣公民對民主運作的滿意度。進一步區分厭惡的對象後,發現對勝選政黨的負面黨性會降低對民主運作的滿意度,但這是否會降低對民主政體本身的支持度,則要視厭惡的對象而定。對國民黨的負面黨性並不會使其轉向非民主政體,然而對民進黨的負面黨性卻始終都讓這類選民更能接受民主以外的選項,即使在國民黨執政的時期依舊如此。換言之,討厭國民黨的選民傾向成為對民主政體有絕對信奉的批判性公民(critical citizens)。討厭民進黨的選民則不僅不滿意民主當下的運作,並且對民主政體較缺乏規範性的絕對支持,因此更具有民主去鞏固的態度。   總結來說,本文發現對不同政黨的負面黨性可能導致完全不同的民主態度。倘若對一黨的厭惡感並不導致民主去鞏固化的心態,那麼我們短期內或許尚不需對這類的極化感到憂心。但若對一黨的厭惡感已經威脅到民主的鞏固,那麼吾人便需謹慎應對政治極化帶來的威脅。

並列摘要


Along with the democratic backsliding and populism in global, some scholars thought that there had been “democratic deconsolidation” in mature democratic countries. It means that citizens’ preference for democratic institutions decreased, while the acceptance of authoritarian regimes increased. Among them, the affective polarization in politics and the negative partisanship derived from the former is the primary cause. This article takes on the case of Taiwan through the perspective of negative partisanship and tries to find out whether negative partisanship affects the support for democracy. Also, this research set out to find whether there is a difference in the support for democracy among citizens who possesses negative partisanship toward the different party. Based on four-wave survey data after the presidential elections by TEDS from 2008 to 2020, we noticed that the negative partisanship decreased the Taiwanese’ satisfaction with the functioning of democracy, but whether this reduces support for democracy itself depends on the object of negativity. When the object was KMT, negative partisanship didn’t make people prefer the undemocratic regimes. However, the negative partisanship toward DPP lead people to consider options other than democracy, even when KMT was in power. Electorates who dislike KMT tend to be critical citizens with a firm belief in democracy. Electorates who dislike DPP are not only dissatisfied with how democracy works but also have less normative support for democracies, therefore showing more attitude toward democratic deconsolidation. In conclusion, this article found that negative partisanship toward different parties may lead to different democratic attitudes. If the disliking to a party won’t lead to a democratic deconsolidation attitude, then we may not need to worry about this kind of polarization in the short term. But if the negative partisanship toward a party had threat the consolidation of democracy, then we have to be cautious about the threat posed by political polarization.

參考文獻


林聰吉,2007,〈政治支持與民主鞏固〉,《政治科學論叢》,34: 71-104。
陳陸輝,2003,〈政治信任、施政表現與民眾對台灣民主的展望〉,《台灣政治學刊》,7(2): 149-188。
中央通訊社,2020,〈政大民調:台灣人認同感67% 創歷年新高〉,https://www.cna.com.tw/news/firstnews/202007030346.aspx,2022/02/15。
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———,2022,〈慶祝世界自由日 世盟:台灣自由度超越英美法〉,https://www.cna.com.tw/news/aipl/202201230066.aspx,2022/02/15。

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