《獨立評論》中民主與獨裁的論戰（1933-1937）

THE DEBATE BETWEEN DEMOCRACY AND DICTAORSHIP IN INDEPENDENT CRITIQUE(1933-1937)

謝瑞齡(Jui-Ling Hsieh)

指導教授 ： 王遠義

國立臺灣大學/社會科學院/政治學研究所/碩士(2013年)

https://doi.org/10.6342/NTU.2013.02246

摘要

本論文主要討論《獨立評論》中民主與獨裁的論戰裡三個論戰焦點：建國問題、政府效能和人民參與。首先，在建國問題裡，蔣廷黻認為中國處於人人相互為敵的自然狀態，故主張以個人為中心的武力專制消滅軍閥，方能使國家統一。相對地，胡適則認為中國已建立政治社會，只是缺乏現代國家所具有的國家條件。因此主張透過議會制度的運作才可將人們對地方社群的認同感擴展到國家。第二，在政府效能裡，獨裁論者認為國家安全才是政府的目的，民主論者則認為民主制度應是政府運作的基本原則。故而前者主張以極權主義思維改造政府，後者則主張在民主的原則下建立強而有力的政府。第三，在人民參與裡，獨裁論者從專家政治的角度出發，強調專家兼顧專業及客觀，足以捍衛群體的公共利益。民主論者則認為透過民主選舉出來的代表，方能能以公共利益作為政治行動的主要考量。

關鍵字

民主 ； 獨裁 ； 獨立評論 ； 公民參與 ； 專家政治 ； 訓政 ； 民族主義

並列摘要

This thesis attempts to deal with the debate on democracy and dictatorship in the Independent Critique in the contexts of the conflicts between democracy and dictatorship in China in 1930’s.
　　Research background and problematic is mentioned and the past second-hand literature is reviewed in the first chapter.
　　In the second chapter, I focus on the debate on the problem of state-building. While Jiang Tingfu described China as the Hobbesian state of nature in which people are against with each other, Hu Shih thought that a stable political society had been formed in China for a long time. Jiang Tingfu held that the best way to unify the country is through a charismatic leader whose legitimacy is based on people’s loyalty and through its military despotism which is able to destroy the warlords. On the contrary, Hu Shih argued that as a result of China’s lack of consolidation and unification which is the precondition of modern nation-state, it is through the parliamentary institution that the state could transform people’s local identity into the identity of the nation. To speak further, for Hu Shih, people’s participation in public affairs helps to build up national identity and to extend the boundary of their imagined community from the local community to the state.
　　In the third chapter, the emphasis is put on the efficacy of the government. The debate on the efficacy of the government arose from the discussion on whether the system of political tutelage had to be reformed according to the present situation. While the absolutists took the state security as the ends of a government, the democrats regards the democracy itself as the basic principle of the operation of a government. For the absolutists, the ideal government is to promote the advancement of the state. However, democrats held that the strong and powerful government should be built up under the principle of democracy. They reflected Sun Yat-sen’s theory of political tutelage and at the same time urged Kuomintang to keep their promise of practicing democratic republics as soon as possible.
　　People’s roles in political arena are investigated in the fourth chapter. The absolutists preferred the expert politics, emphasizing that expert are well qualified to protect public interests of the political community because of their specialty and objectivity. By contrast, the democrats believed that only the representatives who are elected through democratic procedures could take public interests into account and base their political actions on the public interests. On the one hand, they stressed the functions of civic education which is derived from democratic practice. On the other hand, they held that people’s participation in public affairs could not only supervise the operation of bureaucracy but also link people’s feeling with their country and create their unified identity with the country.
　　In the last chapter, I will indicate the academic implication of the debate between the two camps in the context of Chinese political thought.

並列關鍵字

democracy ； dictatorship ； Independent Critique ； public participation ； technocracy ； nationalism ； political tutelage

參考文獻

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