- 學位論文
立法院在兩岸關係決策的定位 -立法院兩岸事務因應對策小組之研究
The Position of Legislative Yuan in the Decision Making on Cross-Strait Relations -the Research of Legislative Yuan’s Cross-Strait Affairs Responding Group
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摘要
本研究旨在以立法院兩岸事務因應對策小組的研究，進而探討立法院在兩岸關係決策的定位，釐清立法院、總統、行政院在兩岸政策上的互動關係，提出立法院在兩岸政策的形成與執行過程中，與行政系統可行的互動模式與加以監督的機制，並探討以立法院為另一管道，突破兩岸僵局的可能性。 全文分為六章：第一章緒論，分別說明研究緣起、研究目的、研究途徑與研究方法、文獻探討、研究架構與研究限制。第二章則就當前我國兩岸決策中的行政立法關係作一說明，第三章至第五章則以角色理論的分析架構，分別從理想層次、認知層次、實踐層次等三個層次就立法院兩岸小組加以研究。第六章結論，首先以回應研究命題的方式，歸納本研究的發現。其次，就政策面提出立即可行的建議：（一）加強立法院兩岸事務研究能量；（二）強化對兩岸相關行政命令的審查；（三）鼓勵兩岸機關交流，進而建立溝通平台；（四）強化保密工作，避免行政部門藉口國家安全逃避監督；（五）全力推動立法院長訪問大陸；以及中長期的建議：（一）對兩岸決策體系及行政與立法關係作妥善安排；（二）立法院兩岸事務監督及參與機制的法制化；（三）持續推動國會改革工程。最後，對後續研究者提出建議：（一）避免陷入中央政府體制界定的泥沼；（二）補強立法委員角色的探討 本研究置重於實務面的探討，除蒐集相關會議記錄、黨政重要人物言論外，並訪談行政部門、立法部門、政黨、大陸涉台部門及媒體界具有代表性之意見領袖。 本研究的主要觀點如下： 第一， 立法院權限甚大，但對兩岸議題的發揮有限，應增加立法院的問政資源，並將相關權限法制化，強化立法院的監督功能。 第二， 選舉考量下，朝野兩岸政策流於短線操作，因欠缺共識，立法院在兩岸事務的參與空間有限。 第三， 兩岸小組定位不明，難以發揮功效，應先著重於兩岸機關的交流，以建立溝通平台，並善用立法院長之優勢，推動立法院長訪問大陸，與大陸進行協商。
並列摘要
This research mainly researched Legislative Yuan’s cross-strait affairs responding group, explored the position of Legislative Yuan in the decision making of cross- strait relations, made clear the interactive relationship among Legislative Yuan, president, and Executive Yuan, posited possible interactive ways between executive systems and monitoring mechanisms in the process of making and executing policies of cross-strait, and discussed the possibility to take Legislative Yuan as another pipeline to break through the deadlock on cross-strait relations. The full texts divided into six chapters: the first chapter was the introduction, separately showing the research origin, goal, way, method, literature review, research framework and limitation. The second chapter gave an explanation on the current relationship between Executive Yuan and Legislative Yuan on cross-strait. The third to fifth chapters basing on the analytic ways of role theory investigated Legislative Yuan’s cross-strait group from three levels: ideal level, cognitive level, and practical level. The sixth chapter first responded the research propositions to induce the research findings. Next, we put forward immediately feasible suggestions on the policy: (1) increasing the research motivation/energy of Legislative Yuan on cross-strait affairs; (2) strengthening examinations on executive orders related to cross-strait; (3) encouraging institutions’ communications between cross-strait in order to establish communicative platform; (4) reinforcing security work, avoiding executive departments evading the surveillance under the pretext of national security; (5) impelling Legislative Yuan president to visit China with all one's strength. Middle to long-term suggestions were: (1) making proper arrangements on cross-strait decision-making systems and the relationship between Executive and Legislative Yuans; (2) legalizing Legislative Yuan’s cross-strait monitoring and participant mechanisms; (3) continually impelling reforming projects on the Congress. Finally, we gave some suggestions for further scholars: (1) avoiding falling into the mire on the definition of central authority systems; (2) supplementing the discussion on legislative committee members’ roles. This research focused on practical side. Besides collecting related council records and important political personages’ opinions, we also interviewed representative opinion leaders in executive department, legislative department, political parties, China departments related to Taiwan, and media. This research had following major viewpoints: First, Legislative Yuan had big jurisdiction but didn’t display on cross-strait issues. It should increase Legislative Yuan’s inquiring resources and legalize related power to strengthen Legislative Yuan’s supervisal function. Second, under the election consideration, all political parties’ cross-strait policies were short line operated. Because of short of mutual recognition, Legislative Yuan had limited participation in cross-strait affairs. Third, the cross-strait group located unclearly, difficultly displaying the effects. It should first focus on communications between cross-strait departments to establish the communicative platform and take advantage of Legislative Yuan president’s superiority, impelling the president to visit China and do the consultation.
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