台灣新憲法運動之研究─兩岸關係下的機會與限制

Research on Taiwan New Constitution Movement －Opportunities and Limitations under Cross-Strait Relations

彭艾喬(Ai-Chiao Peng)

指導教授 ： 李炳南

共同指導教授 ： 曾建元(Chien-Yuan Tseng)

國立臺灣大學/社會科學院/國家發展研究所/碩士(2008年)

https://doi.org/10.6342/NTU.2008.02679

摘要

「新憲法」無論在法理或政治上的詮釋皆有著不同的象徵意涵，而「台灣新憲法」更是在兩岸獨特的政治文化歷史背景下，形塑成極具高度政治敏感之議題。台灣新憲法運動自1989年始蔚為風潮，而其中有關於「修憲」及「制憲」的辯證，也因為存在著詞語的多義性轉換，使得新憲議題往往在語言溝通的場域中形成政治鬥爭的可能。
2003年9月，陳水扁總統首度提出「2006年催生台灣新憲法」主張，隨即引發來自於台灣內部、兩岸甚至國際間的軒然大波。台灣新憲法運動無論在社會條件、制度條件或是政治條件方面，都與台海局勢穩定與否有著密切的關連性，而新憲法的推動明顯觸及中共法理台獨之底線，主要因為新憲法本身即具有宣示國家主權地位之意涵，但在2005年6月台灣第七次修憲公投入憲後，未來修憲皆需經由台灣人民公民複決通過始能定案，中共方面因而定調此舉是為台灣未來實質制憲奠定條件基礎，故於2005年3月率先頒佈《反分裂國家法》，以表達其強烈遏阻台獨之決心。
在兩岸關係架構下的台灣新憲法其生成之機會與限制方面，本文提出首要之限制在於「共識尚未凝聚」，因此必須先從建立台灣內部共識、政治菁英共識等方面著手，並思考如何能有效解決來自於中共及美國等外部強大壓力之現實問題。其次是「時機尚未成熟」，從歷年的憲改經驗中可得知，在社會大眾對於新憲法及其核心價值立場尚未獲得高度共識以前，倘若貿然推動制定新憲法，將可能引發更大的負面效應；職是之故，本文建議現階段新憲推動者可將議題由「分離主義」途徑朝向「合理主義」路徑發展，以便促使台灣新憲法之正當性及合法性逐步提升。最後，本文提出應建立尋求交疊共識的民主價值素養，方可能使得台灣憲法變遷最終朝向良性發展。

關鍵字

台灣新憲法 ； 修憲 ； 制憲 ； 憲政改造 ； 兩岸關係 ； 反分裂國家法 ； 共識

並列摘要

“A New Constitution”, whether it is in its legal or political interpretation, represents a different significance; “A New Constitution for Taiwan”, especially, under the unique political, cultural, and historical backgrounds of the cross-strait relations, has evolved into a highly politically sensitive issue. Taiwan’s New Constitution movement began to spread in 1989, and regarding the dialectic between “Constitutional Amendment” and “Constitution-making”, due to the existence of the equivocality of words, the new constitution issue has often become a possibility for political battle in the domain of language communication.

In September of 2006, President Chen Shui-bian for the first time proposed a “2006 Enactment of Taiwan New Constitution” idea, which immediately caused a big stir in the domestic, the cross-strait, as well as the international community. Taiwan’s New Constitution movement, whether it is in its social conditions, institutional conditions, or political conditions, all of these aspects are closely related to the stability of the Taiwan Strait. The push for a new constitution obviously touches China’s bottom-line of “Taiwan’s de jure independence”, mainly because a new constitution itself posses the meaning of declaration of national sovereignty. However, in June of 2005, Taiwan’s 7th Constitutional Amendment requires future constitutional changes to be approved by the majority of all eligible voters through a national referendum; China saw this move was for Taiwan to establish the foundations to formulate a constitution in the future, and thus in March of 2005, it took the initiative of enacting the Anti-Secession Law to express its strong resolution to stop Taiwan independence.

In the opportunity and limitation aspects of the existence of a new Taiwan constitution under the framework of the cross-strait relations, this thesis proposes that the primary limitation lies in “Consensus has not been reached”; therefore, it is necessary to start from building common consensus within Taiwan, and among political leaders, as well as considering the reality issue of how to effectively resolve the external pressure coming from China and the United States. The second limitation is “Time is not Ripe”; Learning from previous years of constitution amendment experience, a rash push for enacting a new constitution before the public reaches a highly common consensus about the core values of a new constitution, can cause greater negative impacts. Therefore, this paper suggests that at the present stage, New Constitution advocates may change the issue at hand from the path of Secessionism to the path of Rationalism, to encourage the growth of the legitimacy and the legality of Taiwan New Constitution. Lastly, this thesis proposes the necessity of establishing an appreciation of democratic values that exceeds overlapping consensus, in order for Taiwan’s constitution changes to eventually march towards a benign development.

並列關鍵字

A New Constitution for Taiwan ； constitutional amendment ； constitution-making ； constitutional reengineering ； cross-strait relations ； Anti-Secession Law ； consensus

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