解析日美安全保障同盟之研究 — 起源、發展及其影響

自 1951 年 98 日在舊金山簽署以來, <日美安保> 已經經歷了 70 年. 本論文的主旨在於回顧美國與日本在<美日安保>中分別扮演的角色, 以及在亞太進而至全球安全環境劇變的當下,檢證作者何以認為不僅應該持續維繋 <日美安保> 的存在, 同時更應該進一步加強。事實上,<日美安保>會在 1960 年作出修訂,但距今亦已經經過 60 年,同時兩國所存在的安全環境業已有相當改變; 因此,兩國對現有的條約或許已感到不足,而作者也相信已經到了再次修訂之時。美國方面,總統川普會多次批評<日美安保>對美國而言不具備公平性,並要求日方要提高駐日美軍的支付的經費,更甚者,川普進一步提出相較於仰賴美國所提供的核保護傘, 日本更應具備自身的核子武器以提高自身防衛能力。另一方面,日本有越來越多的人民開始回頭檢視<日美安保>是否能相對公正的反應日本的國家利益, 例如根據<行政協定>和駐日美軍經費負擔(HNS: Host Nation Support), 美國得以在日本境內例如沖繩等地駐紮軍隊並且由日方支付相關經費等。據了解,逐漸有日本人民亦提出日本應自身的核武以及彈道飛彈以與朝鮮與中國抗衡。在此論文中,作者檢證了日美雙方在整個亞太地區進而全球的安全環境中. 可能可以採用的各種安全體系,不僅維繫兩國安全,更甚者維護亞太進而世界的和平. 但遺憾的是,除了<日美安保>以外,似乎難以找到更具體有成效的理想安全政策.因此,日美雙方不得不竭力加強雙邊合作以解決既有問題並滿足雙邊利益。作者透過國際關係理論中,亞力山大溫特的<建構主義途徑>檢證<日美安保>間的問題,同時透過思想與信仰對於全球政治的影響,驗證了<建構主義>可以超越物質現實。

關鍵字

社會建構主義；日美安保；美軍基地的集在沖繩之內；日美地位協定；駐日美軍經費負擔(HNS) ；亞太地域的安全環境變化；美國的核保護傘；日本自身的核武裝

並列摘要

The purpose of this dissertation is to look back on the roles the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty has played since the treat was signed on 8 September 1951 in San Francisco for about 70 years and to explain my opinion why Japan and the United States should maintain and enhance the treaty in order to take measures against the rapidly and greatly changing security environments not only in the Asia-Pacific region but also in the world. In fact, the treaty was once revised in 1960, but about 60 years have already passed since then. And the circumstances of the two countries and the situations surrounding Japan has greatly changed. Therefore, both the countries have come to feel dissatisfied with the contents of the existing treaty. Indeed, I believe that the second revision time of the treaty has already arrived. As to the United States, President Donald Trump has often criticized the inequality of the Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security between Japan and the United States and requests Japan to tremendously increase the burden rate of the cost for U.S. military forces stationing in Japan. In addition, he even suggests that Japan should go nuclear so that the United States may not protect Japan under the U.S. Nuclear Umbrella. On the other hand, many Japanese people have begun to ask whether the contents of the treaty are impartial for the benefits of Japan, for example regarding the Japan-U.S. Status Forces of Agreement, Japan’s Host Nation Support for the U.S. troops in Japan, U.S. military bases concentration on Okinawa and so on. As a matter of fact, I have heard some Japanese insist that Japan also should have nuclear weapons and ballistic missiles in order to compete with North Korea and China. In fact, in this dissertation I have taken up and examined various security systems that Japan and the United States can adopt to maintain the peace and security not only for both the countries but also for the Asia-Pacific region. However, to my regret, I could not find any effective and ideal type of security policy except the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty. Therefore, Japan and the United States seem to have no choice but to make their best efforts to enhance the Alliance by solving every irrational problems to the satisfaction of the two countries. I have tried to examine the problems of the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty referring to Alexander Wendt’s Social Constructivist perspectives in the International Relations Theory. He demonstrates that constructivists go beyond the material reality by including the effects of ideas and beliefs on world politics.