香港在1997年回歸中國,中國政府承諾港人治港、高度自治,也曾承諾香港會有實現普選的一天。但自從2003年的首次七一遊行後,中國政府意識到香港人仍然有反抗心理。於是逐漸變緊香港的權力,也將原本能在2008年時實行的民主普選推後,至今香港回歸20年來也沒有民選首長的產生。 由於近年來中港融合速度過快,除了經濟上的相互影響外,也在文化、習慣上有某程度的「中港矛盾」,加上在2012年時香港政府打算推行國民教育時的手法和教學佈容都令人感到有「洗腦」的成份,更使港人對中國離心加大。而2014年人大常委的「八三一框架」出台,印證了香港人與中國政府的「港人治港」概念之間的差距,因而促成了「雨傘革命」。香港人以和平理性的公民抗命手法嘗試告訴中國政府他們對實體民離普選的訴求不果。於是,在2014年後陸續出現了很多以香港主體利益為前提的年輕黨派,稱為本土派,而這種新興的政治勢力中的參與者大部分都是青年族群。加上「反國民教育事件」、「雨傘革命」都是由年青人作用主導,可見香港的新一代已走出政治冷感,願意為香港未來出一分力。 本論文會以香港回歸段所發生的重要大事為重心,以便探討「一國兩制」在中國政府與香港之間所產生的認知矛盾;年青人對此的心態轉變與實際行動;本土派的興起,探究「一國兩制」對香港年青人的衝擊與影響。
In 1997 Hong Kong was handed back to the Chinese by British, Chinese Government promised Hong Kong freedom of the press , freedom of the assembly and Hong Kong people have the right to elect their leader in the near future. But since 2003, the most biggest protest happened in Hong Kong because the Hong Kong Citizens showed their disagreement of anti-subversion law(Hong Kong Basic Law Article 23),Beijing asserted more and more control in subtle way over Hong Kong. Especially in 2012 Hong Kong Government announced a plan of national education to promote the nationalism (There were pretty much people believed the PRC were seeing the new generations in Hong Kong were unpatriotic), therefore there were some younger people had been founded an organization ”Scoholarism” to fight against the national education for freedom of next generation. China has been increasingly aggressive towards Hong Kong and those aggression has set a stage to Hong Kong people for a big fight. On 31, August 2014 China’s parliament voted to change the way Hong Kong selects its leader (Chief Executive),China Government announced that they will screen candidates running for what was meant to be a democratically elected position. This announcement spark off the Umbrella Movement which is the biggest civil disobedience movement in Hong Kong. In these two cases, the Hong Kong Federation of Students and Scholarism tried to mobilize people to join civil disobedience and there were thousands of students from more than 20 university and colleges have abandoned classes to secure the freedom or the right to choose their own leader by universal suffrage. It shows the new generation in Hong Kong become more active participation in politic issues. The thesis tries to look for the inherent conflict of “One country Two systems”, how the system makes the young adults in Hong Kong tend to be supporters of the democratic camp and waiting for the “Two systems” promises to be upheld, also the reason of Localist Group grew up quckily in Hong Kong.