透過您的圖書館登入
IP:3.129.210.17
  • 學位論文

從中共睦鄰外交論中共對東盟政策

From China's good--neighbor diplomacy to discuss China's ASEAN foreign policy

指導教授 : 趙春山

摘要


論文提要內容: 中共從一個對鄰國輸出革命的國家,轉變為與鄰為善,以鄰為伴,其深層戰略意義為何?睦鄰外交是否是掩護中共發展深層戰略企圖的糖衣,用以達成中共改變美國「一超」的戰略目標。中共自1989年六四天安門事件後,以穩定壓倒一切為指導方針,強調周邊安全與和平發展。東盟成為中共睦鄰外交成功的典範,東盟為何是中共的典範?在地緣政治的制約下,東盟會不會是中共的絆腳石,或是崛起的跳板。 本研究除探討「中共睦鄰外交」內涵外,並從政治、經濟、軍事、文化等面向來檢視中共對東盟政策。首先確立中共對東盟外交目標,進一步分析政治目標、經濟目標、軍事目標、文化目標,並由中共於四個面向,分析雙方交流與實踐過程,再逐一檢視雙方在四個面向裡存在的制約因素。 「亞洲金融風暴」的危機處理,證明中共是機會主義者,務實的國家,該出手時就出手,把握機會博取東盟或第三世界的好感,風風火火展情義。中共與東盟關係日趨緊密,為中共務實性睦鄰外交寫下典範,同時展現了中共外交手段的靈活性。 中共以雙邊外交遂行各國擊破,創建契合的雙邊關係。上世紀90年代,中共著手推動睦鄰外交,成功化解「六四事件」後的外交危機。1997年,中共外交由雙邊、不結盟向多邊外交轉變,目的在建立中共國際地位,成為區域合作破解美國在亞洲的領導者。以靈活與務實的外交手段,軟的更軟、硬的更硬,力爭成為東亞大國,企圖打破美國「一超」獨霸的世界格局,朝「多極格局」的新世界推進。 現階段、東盟是中共崛起的戰略依托,未來可能是中共競爭對手,在中共—東盟自由貿易區的大傘保護下,東盟佔盡優勢,分食中共的經濟成果,所以,與東盟結盟是福是禍,頗值吾人長期觀注與研究。 中美兩國將繼續採取交往且競爭的方式,在東盟、東亞、亞太發展彼此的勢力。南海資源爭奪將會牽動美中敏感神經。因此,未來中美兩國在東盟的競逐端視雙方戰略、戰術運用,軟硬權力的變化。美中關係的良窳對世界和平與發展,台海和平有著深深的影響,值吾人長期關注與研究。

並列摘要


Summary: What is the strategic meaning of China’s transformation from a country that exports the concepts of revolution to its neighboring countries to one that continues to deepen and develop good-neighborly partnership with its surrounding countries? Is the good-neighbor diplomacy a sugar coat that disguises China’s ambition of developing deep strategy so that the status of US’s superpower may be altered? Since the Tiananmen Square protests of 1989, China lives up to its guideline of consistent suppression and emphasizes on the safety of surrounding area and peaceful development. Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) has become a successful role model of China’s good-neighbor diplomacy. Why is ASEAN an index of China’s successful diplomacy? Under the restriction of territorial politics, is ASEAN China’s stumbling stone or a gangway for the rising China? This study will not only investigate the connotation of China’s good-neighbor diplomacy but also China’s policies to ASEAN from aspects of politics, economics, military, culture and etc. First of all, China’ diplomatic goal toward ASEAN will be confirmed and further analysis of its political, economic, military and culture goals will be conducted on the interaction between China and ASEAN and its process. Finally, I will examine the restricted factors found in these four aspects on both sides. The crisis management of Asian financial crisis proves that China is a pragmatic and opportunistic country. China seizes its opportunity to win the partnership of ASEAN and third world countries. The relationship between China and ASEAN has gradually grown closer which marks a role model for China’s pragmatically good-neighbor diplomacy and demonstrates its elasticity on diplomatic strategies. China established a compatible bilateral relation by operating bilateral diplomacy. During 1990’s, China began good-neighbor diplomacy which successfully resolves its diplomatic crisis after Tiananmen Square Protests. In 1997, China’s diplomacy has altered from the bilateral and anti-alliance approach to good-neighbor diplomacy crumbled US’s leadership in Asia. China actively participates in ASEAN’s multilateral organizations for the purpose of establishing its international status and becoming the leader of regional organization. China has moved toward the new world of multi-scope by breaking down the world scope of US’s superpower with its flexible and pragmatic diplomatic strategies for becoming the super nation in east Asia. Currently, ASEAN is China’s strategic dependent but may become China’s future competitor. ASEAN has taken most of the advantages under then tenant of China’s ASEAN Free Trade Area and shared China’s economic achievement. Hence, whether the alliance with ASEAN is beneficial to China remains a question that deserves long-term study and observation. In the future, China and the US will continue to interact and yet remain rivals on their development in ASEAN, East Asia and the Asia Pacific region. The combat for resources in South China Sea will consistently affect the relations between China and the US. Hence, the competition between these two countries will depend on their strategies, application of tactics, and alternation between a tough or feeble stand. The relation between China and the US has deepimpact to the development of peace in the world and Taiwan Strait which is worthy of long-term attention and study.

參考文獻


王錦俠、張奇著,天下大勢--鄧小平的外交思想與實踐(廣州:花城出版社,2004年7月)。
蕭佳靈、唐賢興主編,大國外交(上、下冊)--理論、決策、挑戰(北京:時事出版社,2003年6月)。
Aileen S.P.Baviera,Security Challenges of the Philippine Archipelago,Southeast Asian Affairs 1998,Institute of Southeast Asian Studies ,Singapore,1998.
Kenneth W.Allen and Eric A. McVadon,china’s Foreign Military Relations (Washington D.C.:The Herry L. Stimson Center,Oct. 1999)
Holsti K.J.,International Politics:A Framework For Analysis(New York:Englewood Cliff N. J.:Prentice-Hall Inc.,1977)

被引用紀錄


王貞懿(2011)。後冷戰時期中國與東協政經關係之研究〔碩士論文,淡江大學〕。華藝線上圖書館。https://doi.org/10.6846/TKU.2011.00618
洪鴻文(2011)。中共南海戰略之研究〔碩士論文,淡江大學〕。華藝線上圖書館。https://doi.org/10.6846/TKU.2011.00560
趙曉雲(2010)。民進黨執政時期的外交決策之研究 (2000—2008年)〔碩士論文,淡江大學〕。華藝線上圖書館。https://doi.org/10.6846/TKU.2010.00968
許天舵(2008)。「中國-東協自由貿易區」架構下,自由貿易港區發展之分析-以香港、新加坡、高雄港為例〔碩士論文,淡江大學〕。華藝線上圖書館。https://doi.org/10.6846/TKU.2008.00406
吳于珊(2007)。後冷戰時期中國對東協外交政策之研究〔碩士論文,國立臺灣大學〕。華藝線上圖書館。https://doi.org/10.6342/NTU.2007.01831

延伸閱讀