敬外祖與彌濃地方社會之型塑：圍繞一個臺灣六堆客方言社群之姻親關係所展開的民族誌

Matrilateral Ancestor Worship and the Formation of Mi-nong-ngin Community in Hakka Liu-dui, Taiwan

洪馨蘭(Hsin-Lan Hung)

指導教授 ： 莊英章 ； 陳祥水

國立清華大學/人文社會學院/人類學研究所/博士(2011年)

https://doi.org/10.6843/NTHU.2011.00138

摘要

人類社會經由建立姻親關係來達成結盟，是一種普遍存在的人群組織原則，漢人社會也不例外；然而，在一場婚禮前透過一般敬祖儀式來敬拜母方祖先牌位以強化姻親連帶，則是一種特殊的文化表現。在臺灣下淡水溪客方言群「六堆」則盛行此種婚俗儀式，稱為「敬外祖」，它反映的是當地特殊的族群互動與歷史環境。六堆是下淡水溪客方言群在清代形成的一個合力抗外的內聚組織聯合，而彌濃人（Mi-nong-ngin）是其最北端的一支。彌濃人的原籍主要是由下淡水溪南岸客民輾轉搬遷，亦有直接自廣東鎮平、梅縣渡海而來，在族群性上表現得極為突出，自我認同亦十分強烈，在清代即為重要的糖蔗與稻米產區，二十世紀六零至七零年代更曾締造臺灣種植專賣菸草面積最多之紀錄。彌濃社會在某些層面看起來仍具有許多「傳統」的特徵，其中反映姻親關係的敬外祖即是其中一個相當特殊的風俗。
所謂敬外祖指的是一名成年男性在結婚前一日，依慣例前往母方（二至三代）家族祖堂敬祖。通常在敬外祖的行程中，也會至地區神明廟堂以及周圍土地伯公（福德正神）敬拜。此行程在早期農事繁忙時通常一個下午必須完成，現已可彈性自上午開始進行。全程須由八音引導，並執彩旗，並準備三牲及金香紙燭，每結束特定地點的敬拜即燃炮。敬外祖的啟動關鍵是一名「擁有子嗣的已婚女性」，而其採行的是前往母方家敬祖。地方社會中對於女性角色與功能的突顯重視，呈現了與明清以降漢人社會高度父權父系的不同。本文藉由參與觀察彌濃人的敬外祖風俗，討論何種地方社會對於形成並延續敬外祖風俗有密切的關連。文中詳細描述當代彌濃人實踐敬外祖的細節以及心理過程，並思考敬外祖的基本結構與強化親屬關係的文化邏輯，同時延伸進行歷史性的思考，認為下淡水溪客方言群在被圍困的危機意識之外，本身即擁有高度凝聚團結的動機與策略，以建構了其族群界限。
本文將藉由敬外祖儀式中對於女性生養角色的期待，來分析彌濃最後一代傳統女性所承受的性別壓力以及她們如何將此價值內化。並指出這個內化的結果顯現女性有著對族群存續貢獻的自尊與骨氣。敬外祖另一方面亦對男性耕讀傳家精神氣質進行強化，透過由長輩帶領對村庄神明、土地伯公及外祖內祖進行敬拜，男性在儀式中確認了他日後賴以生活的信仰、空間與人群。
建立在盛行敬外祖姻親連帶強化之下的彌濃社會，當她開始面對「國家」政策的介入，進而步向現代公民社會的過程中，「傳統」對現代社會變成一個可供利用的文化資源。論文最後以近二十年所發生的「美濃反水庫運動」為例，說明一場起於街頭的政治請願事件，如何經由社會文法的形成，延續為一個多元的社區運動，其中六十年代菸草種植所要求的迅速到位（時間觀），而讀書人自封閉的地理條件開展其區域視野（空間觀），加上具有強化姻親關係的走親戚互動模式（人群觀），彌濃地方社會藉以走入了廿一世紀。
During the Qing Dynasty, the Hakka communities in Gaoping River established a joint organization, Liudui, against external threats. Among these communities, Youdui, a strong community at the north end, was formed by the Mi-nong people. Since the Qing Dynasty, the Mi-nong people have been settling down in Mi-nong, Long-du, Zhutoujiao, and their surrounding areas. They moved from either the other Hakka communities along Gaoping River, or Ping County and Mei County of Guangdong Province, China. Mi-nong people have a high ethnic awareness, strong self-identification, and outstanding agricultural achievements. They once held the record of possessing the biggest tobacco field in Taiwan. This study starts with Mi-nong people’s perspective, to examine how Mi-nong people have continued to preserve their social and cultural traditions under the drastic social change in the past forty years, for example, the sheguan belief in their native land and Gin-ngoi-zu, which reflect the local integration of Liudui.
Gin-ngoi-zu is a ritual whereby an adult male, on the day before his wedding, goes to his mother’s family shrine (second to third generation) to worship his ancestors. Usually Gin-ngoi-zu also includes worship in the local temple and homage to the Earth God. In early times, when all were busy farming, this had to be finished in one afternoon, but in the modern time, this ritual can start in the morning. The entire ritual must be led by music and a colored flag. The ritual also requires sacrificial offerings and note offering. When the ritual in a certain place is finished, firecrackers will be set off. By observing the Gin-ngoi-zu tradition of the Mi-nong people, this paper discusses what kind of local society is closely related to the formation and the preservation of the Gin-ngoi-zu tradition. This paper carefully describes the details of Gin-ngoi-zu and the psychology of the contemporary Mi-nong people. It also analyses the basic structure of Gin-ngoi-zu as well as the cultural logic behind the reinforcement of the relationships among family members. Through an extensive historical conceptualization, this paper argues that with the awareness of being surrounded by different ethnic groups, the Hakka communities from Gaoping River area already possess a high level of motivation and strategy of unity.
The key of Gin-ngoi-zu is “a married woman who has children.” Therefore, based on the expectation regarding a woman’s role in giving birth and nurturing in Gin-ngoi-zu, this paper analyzes the gender pressure borne by the last generation of the traditional women and how did they internalize this value. The analysis shows that this internalization brings out women’s self-esteem and pride in their contribution to the continuation of the community. On the other hand, Gin-ngoi-zu also reinforces men’s belief in the traditions of farming and education. Through the rituals directed at the local deity, Earth god and the ancestors, led by the elders, men confirm the beliefs, space and people that they shall depend upon in the future.
Mi-nong society, which is established under a marital relation strongly held by Gin-ngoi-zu, has become a useful cultural resource to modern society. Finally, this paper will use the Meinong Anti-Dam Movement as an example to explain how political petitions have evolved into a multiple community movement through the formation of a social convention, including the sixty years of experience in growing tobacco (perspective of time), a self-enclosed geographical and educational situation (perspective of space), and highly interactive human relationships reinforced by marriages (human perspective). All of these have led Mi-nong society into the twenty-first century.

關鍵字

敬外祖 ； 彌濃人 ； 客方言群 ； 姻親關係 ； 族群界限

並列摘要

During the Qing Dynasty, the Hakka communities in Gaoping River established a joint organization, Liudui, against external threats. Among these communities, Youdui, a strong community at the north end, was formed by the Mi-nong people. Since the Qing Dynasty, the Mi-nong people have been settling down in Mi-nong, Long-du, Zhutoujiao, and their surrounding areas. They moved from either the other Hakka communities along Gaoping River, or Ping County and Mei County of Guangdong Province, China. Mi-nong people have a high ethnic awareness, strong self-identification, and outstanding agricultural achievements. They once held the record of possessing the biggest tobacco field in Taiwan. This study starts with Mi-nong people’s perspective, to examine how Mi-nong people have continued to preserve their social and cultural traditions under the drastic social change in the past forty years, for example, the sheguan belief in their native land and Gin-ngoi-zu, which reflect the local integration of Liudui. Gin-ngoi-zu is a ritual whereby an adult male, on the day before his wedding, goes to his mother’s family shrine (second to third generation) to worship his ancestors. Usually Gin-ngoi-zu also includes worship in the local temple and homage to the Earth God. In early times, when all were busy farming, this had to be finished in one afternoon, but in the modern time, this ritual can start in the morning. The entire ritual must be led by music and a colored flag. The ritual also requires sacrificial offerings and note offering. When the ritual in a certain place is finished, firecrackers will be set off. By observing the Gin-ngoi-zu tradition of the Mi-nong people, this paper discusses what kind of local society is closely related to the formation and the preservation of the Gin-ngoi-zu tradition. This paper carefully describes the details of Gin-ngoi-zu and the psychology of the contemporary Mi-nong people. It also analyses the basic structure of Gin-ngoi-zu as well as the cultural logic behind the reinforcement of the relationships among family members. Through an extensive historical conceptualization, this paper argues that with the awareness of being surrounded by different ethnic groups, the Hakka communities from Gaoping River area already possess a high level of motivation and strategy of unity. The key of Gin-ngoi-zu is “a married woman who has children.” Therefore, based on the expectation regarding a woman’s role in giving birth and nurturing in Gin-ngoi-zu, this paper analyzes the gender pressure borne by the last generation of the traditional women and how did they internalize this value. The analysis shows that this internalization brings out women’s self-esteem and pride in their contribution to the continuation of the community. On the other hand, Gin-ngoi-zu also reinforces men’s belief in the traditions of farming and education. Through the rituals directed at the local deity, Earth god and the ancestors, led by the elders, men confirm the beliefs, space and people that they shall depend upon in the future. Mi-nong society, which is established under a marital relation strongly held by Gin-ngoi-zu, has become a useful cultural resource to modern society. Finally, this paper will use the Meinong Anti-Dam Movement as an example to explain how political petitions have evolved into a multiple community movement through the formation of a social convention, including the sixty years of experience in growing tobacco (perspective of time), a self-enclosed geographical and educational situation (perspective of space), and highly interactive human relationships reinforced by marriages (human perspective). All of these have led Mi-nong society into the twenty-first century. Key Word: Gin-ngoi-zu, Mi-nong-ngin, Hakka, affinity, ethnography

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