- 學位論文
論台灣閩南語「予」之結果結構與描述結構
On Resultative and Descriptive Hoo Constructions in Taiwanese Southern Min
摘要
本研究旨在討論台灣閩南語帶「予」（hoo）之結果結構與描述結構。有別於早先研究所採用之構式語法（Construction Grammar）分析（如李惠琦, 2009; 李惠琦及謝菁玉, 2009），本文採用Chomsky（1995）之衍生語法框架（Generative Grammar framework）分析「予」之結果結構與描述結構及其相關之句法現象。本文主要探討議題如下： 1.帶「予」之結果結構中的人稱代名詞（pronominal expression）以及完整限定詞片語（full determiner phrase）之句法位置及其移位衍生。 2.人稱代名詞（pronominal expression）在帶「予」之結果結構與描述結構中之指涉意義差別。 除此之外，所謂蒙受標記（affective marker），也就是「共」（ka）在帶「予」之結果結構與描述結構中句法位置也會一併在文中討論。 研究結果顯示，在帶「予」之結果結構中，人稱代名詞移位到指示詞位置（Spec CP）再與移位到中心語位置 [F0, FP] 的「予」進行依附，形成依附語。而人稱代名詞在帶「予」之結果結構可分成指涉意義與非指涉意義兩種。此外，當蒙受標記「共」出現在帶「予」之結果結構中時，本文提出兩種分析：賓語移位和基底衍生。進一步的討論發現基底衍生分析更能出清楚解釋蒙受標記「共」出現在帶「予」之結果結構時之相關現象。
並列摘要
The current study aims to discuss the resultative hoo-construction in Taiwanese Southern Min. Differ from the previous studies, as in Lee (2009) and Lee and Hsieh (2009)’s analyses of the distribution and the semantic interpretation of the resultative hoo-construction, I propose, following Chomsky (1995)’s generative framework, the syntactic structure and derivation for the resultative hoo-construction. In particular, I offer an account for the contrast with respect pronominal expressions and full determiner phrases (DPs) in the resultative hoo-construction. In addition, the affective marker ka, which can also show up in the resultative hoo-construction, is also included in the discussion. Moreover, the difference with respect to the referentiality of the third person singular pronoun i is also discussed. I suggest that the pronominal expressions or the full DPs move to [Spec, hooP] in the derivation of the resultative hoo-construction. Along with the head raising of hoo, only the pronominal expressions can be cliticized with hoo so as to be immune from Case requirement. Moreover, when the affective ka appears in the resultative hoo-construction, there are two ways to analyze the sentence: the object-shift approach and the base-generated alternative. The latter one is adopted since it can avoid the potential countercyclic problem. With respect to the non-referential pronoun i in the subject descriptive construction, I contend that it is base-generated in [Spec, hooP]. In addition, a null Pro is base-generated in the lower [Spec, VP] and is co-indexed with the matrix subject, resulting in the subject descriptive reading.