摘要
讓步連詞「雖」作為讓步功能詞使用由來已久，在古漢語中能兼表虛讓的縱予及表實讓的容認功能，甚至沿用至今，於現代漢語中更是作為讓轉複句中的讓步分句之主要關聯詞。本文以讓步連詞「雖」為研究對象，旨在爬梳「雖」的演變脈絡，就其在漢語史各時期的相關議題提出研究說明。 本文第二章意在考述讓步連詞「雖」的來源，主要聚焦於上古時期「雖」的形成與發展，我們認為「雖」的前身當為上古的繫詞「隹（惟、唯、維）」，無論從語源上或是實際發展情形都與繫詞義的肯認、強調功能有關係，且在複句中讓步語境的產生，也對繫詞發展為讓步關聯詞有著關鍵性的影響。 本文第三章在探究讓步連詞「雖」在歷史發展中，其讓步功能的演變軌跡為何，以上古至近代時期的歷時觀察為主。經由考察我們以為應當是其他縱予連詞的發展影響取替了「雖」表縱予的功能，因此中古時期以至於近代漢語，「雖」的讓步功能漸發展成僅表容認義，並延續到現代漢語中。另外，我們也甄別「雖」字讓轉複句在歷時脈絡中的使用構式與轉折類型的表達。 本文第四章則著重於中古、近代漢語中盛行的「雖X」類讓步雙音連詞的形成與發展，我們考察諸多「雖X」類讓步雙音連詞，得出此類雙音連詞複合成詞的原因：其一為跨層結構的重新組合；其二為讓步連詞「雖」附綴上虛詞詞尾而成；其三為與讓步連詞「雖」語義相近，進而相合成詞的。而促成此類雙音連詞的複合成詞，我們認為主要有兩大機制在推動，分別是：詞義虛化和類推，一則造成複合結構內成分的語法化，一則加速詞彙化的發展。
並列摘要
There has been a long history for the concessive conjunction (henceforth CC) suī (雖) to act as a functional word. It denotes both concessive conditional (even if), viz. semi-factual concession (虛讓), and normal concessive (although), viz. factual concession (實讓) in Classical Chinese, and its usage lasts up to the present day as the main connective in the concessive clause of a concessive-adversative complex sentence (henceforth CACS) in Modern Chinese. This thesis thus takes suī as the research object. By combing through its evolving trajectories, we attempt to provide explanations for related issues in each stages of the Chinese history. Chapter 2 discusses the origin of suī, focusing on its formation and development in Old Chinese. We consider the copula wéi (隹, including graphemes惟, 唯 and 維) in Old Chinese as the predecessor of suī, since the latter is correlated to the confirmative or emphasis function of the former, from the point of view of either etymology or the actual development. In addition, the emergence of concessive context in complex sentences also plays a crucial role in the evolution from copula into concessive connective. Chapter 3 investigates the concessive function of suī along its evolving trajectories in history, and the diachronic inspection concentrates mainly on the period from Old Chinese to Early Modern Chinese. Through the surveying, we claim that the concessive conditional sense of suī was taken over by other conjunctions. The concessive function of suī, therefore, narrows down gradually to merely the normal concessive sense in Middle Chinese, together with Early Modern Chinese, and this situation remains in Modern Chinese. Besides, for the CACS’s of suī we distinguish different constructions in actual usage as well as expression types in adversative sentences within diachronic contexts. Chapter 4 pays attention to the formation and development of disyllabic CC’s in construction of suī-X, which prevail in Middle and Early Modern Chinese. After examining a good deal of cases, we obtain the patterns of compounding in those disyllabic CC’s as following: 1) the reassembling across hierarchies; 2) the suffixation of functional word to suī; 3) the combination of suī and its near-synonyms. Behind compounding processes as such we conceive of two main propellent mechanisms, namely, the bleaching of lexical meaning and analogy, which lead to the grammaticalization within the compound structure on the one hand, and the acceleration of lexicalization on the other hand.