無語法化之構式化：論臺灣國語中「用」之新功能的形式與語意重組

Constructionalization without Grammaticalization: The Form-meaning Reassociation in the Novel Use of YONG in Taiwan Mandarin

徐睿良(Rui-Liang Xu)

指導教授 ： 劉美君

國立交通大學/人文社會學院/外國語文學系外國文學與語言學研究所/碩士(2013年)

https://doi.org/10.6842/NCTU.2013.00429

摘要

本文旨在藉由臺灣國語中「用」一詞的新功能之詞彙語意研究，探討其生成之緣起與機制。近年來，臺灣國語中之「用」一詞出現二種新功能：代動詞與指事動詞，此二新功能係源自臺灣閩南語移入，並已廣泛使用於國語非正式、口語語境中。代動詞「用」之功能係取代語篇中已經前述之先行動詞詞組，以免同一動詞詞組於語篇中重複贅述。指事動詞「用」之功能則為概略指稱以某種特定方式發生的事件類型，而非如同一般動詞具體描述實際發生之事件。「用」的此二種功能雖然語法表現不同，語意卻非常相似，因此，本文試圖藉由「構式語法」、「框架語意」及「屬性結構」等多項互補相成之理論框架，系統性地解釋並呈現「用」之詞彙語意特徵。
國語中「用」之新功能的生成與語言接觸誘發之語言變遷息息相關。由於此一現象涉及跨語言之對應詞項的功能整合，在此過程中，國語中舊有詞項「用」之語音形式被賦予來自閩南語的新語意功能，進而產生「用」在國語中的新功能，因此，此一演化過程或可視為「詞彙重整」機制。同時，此一演化過程係藉由重組舊有詞項之形式與語意搭配關係以產生新構式，且並未涉及目標語國語中之內部語法化機制，由是，以歷時性構式語法觀點而言，此一演化過程應屬「無語法化之構式化」機制之流變，亦即，此一過程非如過往文獻所定義之「語言接觸誘發語法化」，而係經語言接觸所致之構式化。
本文最終希冀經由此一個案研究，能突顯台灣地區語言的特色與新興的變化，探究生活中真實的語言使用狀況，使語言學研究貼近自然語料。在理論上則以構式語法作為整合性的理論框架，連繫動詞詞彙語意與語法變遷之間互動關聯，使跨此二領域之研究能依據同一理論背景解釋並呈現。

關鍵字

構式化 ； 詞彙重整 ； 語言接觸誘發語法化 ； 框設動詞 ； 指事動詞 ； 代動詞 ； 詞彙語意 ； 構式語法 ； 框架語意 ； 屬性結構 ； 臺灣國語 ； 臺灣閩南語

並列摘要

With an elaboration of its grammatical function and semantic properties, this thesis aims to explore the mechanisms by which the novel use of YONG came into being in Taiwan Mandarin. In recent years, the novel use of YONG as either an anaphoric pro-verb or a process-referring verb had got transferred from Taiwan Southern Min to Taiwan Mandarin and has been widely used in informal or colloquial registers. When being used as s a pro-verb, YONG substitutes a forementioned antecedent VP to avoid redundant repetition in discourse. When being used as a process-referring verb, YONG sketchily denotes a process fulfilled in certain manner rather than specifies the actual event undertaken as other ordinary verbs do. Though these two functions of YONG are syntactically different, they share plenty of semantic similarities. To deal with their lexical semantics, the multiple complementary approaches combining Construction Grammar, Frame Semantics and Qualia Structure are adopted. Thus, verbal semantics of these novel uses of YONG can be accounted for and presented effectively in a systematic way.
The core issue of this thesis concerns the contact-induced language change involved in the emergence of the novel use of YONG. In terms of grammatical convergence, the interlingual identification of YONG with a new form-meaning pairing can be viewed as a process of relexification (Lefebvre, 2009), since it is essentially a kind of “relabelling” of an existing form with a new meaning of a lexical item from another language. From the perspective of diachronic construction grammar (Bergs and Diewald, 2008; Traugott, 2011), the emergence of the novel function of YONG in Taiwan Mandarin demonstrates a process of construcionalization without grammaticali¬zation, since it is the creation of a new construction by re-association of the existing form-meaning pairing, but without the internal grammaticalization in the target language, Taiwan Mandarin. In other words, the novel functions of YONG do not resulted from contact-induced grammaticalization, as defined in the literature (Heine and Kuteva, 2003), but presents a case of constructionalization due to language contact.
Finally, by providing the case study on the emergence of the novel use of YONG in Taiwan Mandarin, this thesis reveals characteristics and the on-going novel change of Taiwan languages. Only by probing into the actual language use in the real daily life, linguistic studies will factually reflect natural language. Theoretically, this thesis attempts to link researches of verbal lexical semantics and grammatical change with an integrated theoretical framework, namely, the constructional approach. Consequently, a unified explanation to the interrelation between these two linguistic areas can be established.

並列關鍵字

constructionalization ； relexification ； contact-induced grammaticalization ； frame-setting verb ； process-referring verb ； pro-verb ； lexical semantics ； Construction Grammar ； Frame Semantics ； Qualia Structure ； Taiwan Mandarin ； Taiwan Southern Min

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