透過您的圖書館登入
IP:3.144.36.141
  • 學位論文

小國的對外政策:兼論對美中臺關係的啟示

The Foreign Policies of Small States: a Discussion on Implications for U.S.-China-Taiwan Relations

指導教授 : 李俊毅
若您是本文的作者,可授權文章由華藝線上圖書館中協助推廣。

摘要


芬蘭與其獨立之初的蘇聯(冷戰之後的俄羅斯)有着1324公里的邊界,有史以來一直與俄國長相左右,彼此國力懸殊,使芬蘭倍感壓力,小國芬蘭因應時局的變化,分別對俄採取中立、抗衡、扈從的關係,努力求存,冷戰之後,芬蘭對俄終止扈從關係,加入歐盟,又與俄羅斯朝雙邊合作的實質關係,俄國成為芬蘭最大的貿易伙伴。同時現代的芬蘭連續四年被列為全世界競爭力第一的國家。其「小國大外交」堪為臺灣之典範。 新加坡是位於印尼和馬來西亞之間的小國,北邊與馬來西亞隔着柔佛海峽,南濱新加坡海峽與印尼相望。馬、印兩國,在新加坡建國之初,對新加坡的華人,心懷仇視、嫉妬,而且新加坡地處航海、貿易、軍事的要地,具商業,戰略價值,為多國欲爭之地。新加坡為延續其「生存」而規劃其「大戰略」:建立全民防衛,在外交上運作區域平衡,崇尚西方文化,有以「亞洲價值」打造國家資本主義,以馬來語作為國語,官方文件同時以英語、華語、馬來語、淡米爾語四種語言為主。政治上一黨獨大,奉行「亞洲式的民主」,施行「家長式的領導」,與印尼合作,打擊共產黨,提供其港口和場地作為美國軍事用途,以將美國勢力留駐東南亞,另一方面與中國保持密切往來,實施「政經分離」,「非共」而不「反共」,極力歡迎中國領導人到訪,以凸顯新加坡國家地位的重要。推廣華語,提倡儒學研究,強調「亞洲價值」。 1949年國民政府因國共內戰失利而播遷來臺。從此在臺灣的「中華民國」,與在大陸的「中華人民共和國」成敵對狀態,雙方都認為自己是中國的合法政府,臺灣和大陸都屬於中國,中華人民共和國政府為了去除臺灣的主權地位,所以全力將中華民國逐出國際社會。1949年到1980年代中期,海峽兩岸沒有社經接觸。1978年蔣經國當選中華民國總統,1979年元旦,中國宣佈「和平統一」臺灣,一改過去「解放臺灣」的口號,蔣經國回以「不接觸、不談判、不妥協」。1981年9月鄧小平又對臺灣提出和平提議。1985年臺灣政府開放和中國間接貿易,1987年正式准許臺灣居民到大陸探親。1990年代初期,海峽兩岸為深化經濟關係,雙方在行政部門內,設置官方機構,1992年兩岸達成「九二共識」。兩岸之間的衝突,至今已達六十多年,誰是一個中國的唯一合法政府,一直爭議不斷。2008年馬英九當選中華民國總統,以「不統、不獨、不武」的理念,在中華民國憲法架構下,維持臺海現狀,並呼籲「在九二共識的基礎上,盡早恢復協商。」從馬英九任總統起到現在(2014年7月),兩岸關係趨於緩和,但中共並未放棄對臺用武。 本研究著重在臺海兩岸的關係,探討中美關係下臺灣的困境。為探討這問題,所以進而分析臺灣的重要性,以明中、美兩方在東亞戰略上競爭的核心。美國「再平衡」與中國的崛起,關係東亞局勢至鉅,本文分析中國崛起的影響,及其在東亞區域安全問題的處理過程中所扮演的角色,而臺灣問題,直接影響東南亞局勢的安全與穩定。中國的國家目標之一,就是統一臺灣,而臺灣的地理位置居東亞海運的要衝關係到中、美、日、南韓的能源運輸,臺灣目前選擇「不統、不獨、不武」,維持臺灣海峽的現狀。本文再研究發現後,試著提出一些政策建議,以就教於學者先進。

關鍵字

重返亞洲 芬蘭化 政經分離 臺灣

並列摘要


Finland with independent of early of Soviet ( Russia after the cold war) has 1324 km of border, ever has been and Russian looks around, each other power disparity, makes Finland feel pressure, small Finland due to should times of changes, respectively on Russian take neutral, and against, and Squire of relationship, efforts seeking save, after thecold war, Finland on Russian terminated Squire relationship, joined EU, and Russia towards bilateral cooperation of real relationship, Russian became Finland maximum of trade partners. Modern Finland is listed as competitive for the first country in the world for four consecutive years. Its "diplomacy of small States" for Taiwan's example. Singapore is located in Indonesia and Malaysia among the small, North Malaysia across the Johore Strait, South Shore Singapore Straits and Indonesia. Malaysia and Indonesia, in Singapore at the beginning of the founding of, Singapore Chinese who harbor hatred, envy du, and Singapore is located in the important place of navigation, trade, military, commercial and strategic value for many countries striving to land. Singapore continues its "survival" and plan their "grand strategy": building up civil defense, diplomatic operations of regional balance, Western culture, by "Asian values" creating state capitalism, Malay Chinese, official documents in English, Mandarin, Malay, Tamil in four languages. Political Shang a party alone big, pursues "Asia type of democratic", purposes "parents type of led", and Indonesia cooperation, combat Communist, provides its port and site as United States military uses, to will United States forces presence Southeast Asia, on the and China keep close exchanges, implementation " politics-economies separation ", "non-total" and not "anti-total", strongly welcomes China leaders visited, to highlights Singapore national status of important. Promoting Chinese that advocated the study of Confucianism, stressing that "Asian values". In 1949, the nationalist government moved to Taiwan due to losing the Chinese civil war. Taiwan's "Republic of China", and in the city of "People's Republic of China" into a State of hostility, both sides consider themselves the legitimate Government of China, Taiwan and the Mainland belong to China, People's Republic of China Government to remove Taiwan's sovereign status, so the full driving the Republic from the international community. From 1949 to the mid 1980, no social contact across the Taiwan Strait. 1978 elected Republic of China President Chiang Ching-kuo, in 1979, China announced "peaceful reunification" Taiwan, for a change of "liberating Taiwan" slogans, Chiang Ching-kuo as "no contact, no negotiations, no compromise". Deng Xiaoping in September 1981 to Taiwan put forward peace proposals. In 1985, Taiwan Government to open indirect trade and China in 1987 and formally allowed Taiwan residents to visit relatives on the Mainland. The early 1990 's, in order to deepen economic relations across the Taiwan Strait, both within the Executive Branch and official agencies, reached in the 1992 cross-strait "92 consensus." Clashes between the two sides, has been for more than 60 years, who was a the sole legitimate Government of China, has been controversial. In 2008, Ma Ying-jeou was elected President of the Republic, with "no unification, no independence and no use of force" concept, within the framework of the ROC Constitution, maintain the status quo across the Taiwan Straits, and called on the "92 consensus, based on an early resumption of negotiations. "Since President Ma Ying-jeou to now (July 2014), easing of cross-strait relations, but the Beijing Government has not given up on the force. This study focuses on the relationship between Taiwan and discussed Sino-US relations under Taiwan's plight. To explore this question, so further analysis of Taiwan of the importance of Ming China, the United States compete in the strategic core of the two parties. United States "rebalancing" and the rise of China, the situation in East Asia to a giant, we analyze the impact of China's rise, and dealing with regional security issues in East Asia's role in the process, and Taiwan issues directly affecting the security and stability of the situation in South-East Asia. One of the China's national goals, is to unify Taiwan, while Taiwan's location in East Asian shipping hub bearing, energy transport in the United States, Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan currently selected "no unification, no independence and no use of force", maintaining the status quo in the Taiwan Strait. This study found, tried to put forward some policy suggestions, opinions from scholars for advanced.

參考文獻


李瓊莉,「美國『重返亞洲』對區域主義之意涵」,全球政治評論,第39期(2012年),頁87-103。
張凱銘,「論歐巴馬政府的東亞戰略選擇」,臺灣國際研究季刊,第7卷第3 期(2011 年秋季號),頁175-194。
蔡明彥,「當前東亞安全問題中的中國因素分析—以地緣政治、經貿整合與北韓核武問題為例」,全球政治評論,第26期(2009年4月),頁1-20。
李俊毅,「政治社群、認同與外交政策:『芬蘭化』概念的再思考」,問題與研究,第53卷第1期(2014年3月),頁35-67。
范盛保,「小國的大戰略─新加坡途徑」,臺灣國際研究季刊,第9卷第1期(2013 年春季號),頁75-94。

延伸閱讀