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兩岸統合的前景

The Prospects for Peaceful Integration between Taiwan and China

摘要


兩岸關係一直潛藏很大的張力,被視為亞太地區除了南北韓與南海之外的另個火藥庫。但另一方面,由於臺灣具有外商前進大陸的橋樑角色,也是大陸走向現代化歷程中的重要觸媒,其對民主陣營而言,意義非凡。因此可以說,臺灣海峽既可能是風暴核心,也可能是利潤核心。於是,臺灣大陸政策的走向,格外引人注目。近年來,大陸在亞太政經地位大為提升,臺灣的角色也隨之水漲船高。尤其是,正當大陸的政經實力蛻變而權力接班面臨考驗,同時臺灣也正歷經政黨輪替與經濟轉型的試煉與挑戰之際。大陸與臺灣內部的巨大變遷,自然也觸動了兩岸關係小氣候的變化,從而帶動亞太政經地殼的變動,乃至於周邊國家中國政策的轉變。在臺灣內部,這幾年來也歷經了不少變遷。長期以來,臺灣的大陸政策一直為統派觀點所壟斷。李登輝前總統執政的後期開始往「反統」的一方移動。1999年7月9日的「特殊的國與國關係」是李前總統對兩岸關係最清楚與明確的一種宣示。然而,2000年3月18日,民進黨贏得政權後,為了緩和兩岸關係,陳水扁總統特別於就職典禮的演講中承諾不推動兩國論入憲,積極向中閒路線移動,2000年12月31日陳總統的跨世紀談話,更首度提出「統合論」對中共表達善意,並指出兩岸關係的發展願景。對於一個長期追求臺灣獨立的政黨而言,這種的路線轉變不可謂不大。然而,兩岸要進入統合的過程,涉及千絲萬縷和錯綜複雜的國際關係與兩岸關係,因此,兩岸統合的主觀可欲性與客觀的可能性為何,乃成為值得關切與探討的議題。

並列摘要


From a geographical viewpoint, Taiwan assumes a positive role to bridge the U.S., Japan and China, if Taiwan can actively engage into Chinese market. The presence of Taiwan Island is also very crucial to the security concern of Japan and the U.S.. Meanwhile, Taiwan is also a successful model for the democratic value. Taiwan might become an ammunition depot if the cross strait relations are not well managed. For the regional interests and stability, Taiwan hence has strong supports and pressure to seek to normalize ties with China as its supreme goal of national development. In these complicated contexts, Taiwan enjoys both high profits and high risks. Hence, a soft but constructive approach is possible and desirable. A serious issue for President Chen Shui-bian is to softly and carefully steer the boat without striking submerged reefs. As a matter of fact, DPP’s current China policy has held as its objective the maintenance of the status quo and the establishment of normal relations between Taiwan and China, in the hope that a special relationship can be developed between the two in accordance with the principles of democratic equality and mutual benefit. On December 31, 2000, President Chen promulgated an idea of ”Integration” for bridging the special relationship between Taiwan and China. This paper is to tackle how Taiwan develops a co-existence approach toward China without sacrificing her independent sovereignty. It also tries to depict the potential opportunities and risks in the process of moving towards peaceful integration.

並列關鍵字

integration China's Threat the Spirit of 1992 WTO one China

參考文獻


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Molle, W.(1997).The Economics of European Integration: Theory, Practice, Policy.Aldershot:Ashgate.
民主進步黨中央黨部(1999)。民主進步黨2000年政策綱領:我們的新責任,臺灣的新起點。臺北:民主進步黨中央黨部。
吳新興 Wu, Hsin-Hsing(2001)。整合理論:一些概念性的分析。中國事務 China Affairs。5
翁松燃(2001)。統合模式初探。新世紀智庫論壇。13

被引用紀錄


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劉永金(2010)。從ECFA的角度來看區域經濟整合下之兩岸關係〔碩士論文,淡江大學〕。華藝線上圖書館。https://doi.org/10.6846/TKU.2010.01267
林志憲(2010)。當前兩岸協商談判之研究-以直航談判為例〔碩士論文,淡江大學〕。華藝線上圖書館。https://doi.org/10.6846/TKU.2010.00921
徐幸玲(2006)。國、民兩黨大陸政策之比較研究(1986 ~ 2004)〔碩士論文,淡江大學〕。華藝線上圖書館。https://doi.org/10.6846/TKU.2006.01082
賀復興(2006)。兩岸統合問題探討—從邦聯模式分析〔碩士論文,淡江大學〕。華藝線上圖書館。https://doi.org/10.6846/TKU.2006.01045

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