This dissertation offers a description of Paiwan phonology, proposes formal accounts for phonological phenomena, and highlights the theoretical importance of these patterns. It examines the similarities and differences between two communalects, Sinvaudjan (牡丹方言) and Piuma (平和方言) Paiwan, within an Optimality-Theoretic framework. Issues relating to various phonological domains are discussed, including the segment, syllable, stress, and phonology-morphology interface. The phonological patterns themselves and how they correlate to each other comprise one of the main themes of this dissertation.
With regard to segments, this thesis argues that a phonemic contrast between vowels and glides must be made in Paiwan, though glides are often analyzed as alternants of vowels in many languages. It offers language-internal evidence that converges on the need for the contrast. The data show that true glides are consonant-like, while derived glides are mostly vowel-like. As for syllables, vowel hiatus is an ill-formed, and must be modified. Various repair strategies are used to achieve well-formness, showcasing a central idea of OT: conspiracy. Furthermore, variations in the patterns according to speech styles are presented, and dealt with via constraint reranking. In terms of stress, Piuma Paiwan prefers to assign primary stress to a more sonorous vowel, while Sinvaudjan does not take sonority into account in stress assignment. The difference is attributed to different rankings of the set of metrical constraint. In order to account for an anomalous stress pattern in Piuma, this analysis proposes a new constraint, *FT/ə, which prevents schwas from being parsed into foot. A case of metrical opacity resulting from historical schwa deletion is also discussed. By taking this phenomenon into account, it is shown to be possible to unify the two seemingly disparate patterns of full reduplication in Paiwan, which copies either the last three or the last four segments of the stem. Thus, the contributions of this study include not only new, first-hand Paiwan data along with formal analyses, but also proposals which allow the theory to account for more patterns.

本論文詳盡描述排灣語音韻現象，提供理論分析，並指出這些語料在音韻議題的重要性。論文中以優選理論為架構，一手語料為本，探討牡丹排灣語及平和排灣語的相同及差異，範圍涵蓋音段、音節、節律，和音韻構詞。本文串起不同現象的相互影響，呈現排灣音韻內部牽一髮動全身的密切關連。
在音段方面，從表層滑音(surface glides)的觀察，切入音韻理論中所探討的滑音為獨立音位之必要性。在許多語言裡，滑音常被認為由底層元音衍生而來；然而，排灣語表層滑音的分歧，以及論文中提出的證據，即重音、詞音位轉換規律(morphophonemic alternation)、音節劃分與重疊形式，皆支持排灣語的元音和滑音是分別為不同的音位。此外，底層滑音的表現如同輔音，而衍生滑音的行為大多與元音相同。音節方面，本論文主要探討元音串(vowel hiatus)及其修補策略，即滑音形成(glide formation)與元音(coalescence)合併。排灣語呈現了優選理論中共謀(conspiracy)的概念，即不同的修補策略都是為了答到同樣的目標—讓表層元音串消失。另外還討論了元音串在不同的語式(speech style)中所呈現不同修補策略，可由優選理論的制約排序互換補捉其變動。三個以上的元音所組成的元音串若無法由主要策略來修補的話，排灣語會利用額外的手法彌補不足。
重音則顯現了平和排灣語與牡丹排灣語最大的差異：平和方言的重音視元音的音質(vowel quality)而決定，而牡丹方言則對所有元音一視同仁。對於兩者在重音分布的異同，本文給予完整分析，並指出現有的指涉到元音響度階層(vowel sonority hierarchy)的制約並無法完全解釋平和方言的重音。針對平和排灣語的特殊情形，本論文提出新的制約*FT/ə來解釋，其主要動機為不允許較弱的成份(weak element)出現在相對而言較顯著(prominent)的範圍。此外，平和方言的元音音質主導的重音(quality-sensitive stress)和央元音刪略(schwa deletion)的互動，導致特殊的重音分布，這種表層的隱晦不明(opaque)及其對理論的影響也一併討論。最後，在音韻構詞方面，文中認為共時的重疊現象之不整齊，可能是由歷時音變，即央元音刪略，所造成的，並且試著替共時的重疊現象找到更好的解釋。

Abstract i
Acknowledgement iii
List of Maps and Figures vii
List of Abbreviations viii
List of Symbols ix

Chapter 1 Introduction 1
1.1 Overview 1
1.2 Background of the Paiwan language 2
1.2.1 Basic phonology of Paiwan 7
1.2.2 Morphology 11
1.2.2.1 Morphemes 12
1.2.2.2 Affixes 13
1.2.2.3 Reduplication 14
1.2.3 Syntax 15
1.2.3.1 The voice system in Paiwan 15
1.2.3.2 Case markers 16
1.2.3.3 Personal pronouns 16
1.3 Theoretical orientation and topics focused in this dissertation 17
1.3.1 Optimality Theory 17
1.3.2 Vowel/glide distinction 21
1.3.3 Hiatus 22
1.3.4 Quality-sensitive stress 23
1.3.5 Reduplication 25
1.4 Organization of this dissertation 27

Chapter 2 Segments and structural changes 28
2.1 Phonemic vowel/glide distinction and previous evidence 29
2.1.1 Interpreting the present data 29
2.1.2 Evidence Part 1: Morphophonemic alternations 35
2.1.3 Evidence Part 2: Stress 38
2.1.3.1 Marked final stress resulted from heavy syllables 38
2.1.3.2 Contrastive stress and the vowel/glide distinction 42
2.2 New evidence—syllabification and reduplication 44
2.2.1 New Evidence: Syllabification 45
2.2.2 More New Evidence: Reduplication 46
2.2.3 The importance of the new evidence 50
2.3 Comparison with Ho’s analysis 52
2.4 The representation of vowels and glides 56
2.4.1 Syllabic position of phonemic and derived glides 58
2.4.2 Features 61
2.4.3 Phonetic measurement 64
2.5 Summary 66

Chapter 3 Syllable structure: resolving vowel hiatus 68
3.1 Vowel hiatus in Paiwan 69
3.1.1 Hiatus avoidance 69
3.1.2 Glide formation 69
3.1.3 Coalescence 75
3.1.4 Constraint interaction of different repairs 79
3.1.5 Variations in prefixed forms 81
3.2 Glide insertion as feature spreading 83
3.2.1 The variation of glide formation 83
3.2.2 Feature spreading 87
3.3 Vowel hiatus with three segments 89
3.3.1 Pattern of three-vowel sequences 90
3.3.1.1 Geminate glides 95
3.3.2 Cluster with more vowels at phrasal level 99
3.4 Syllable structure and word-initial onset-less syllable 100
3.4.1 Onset-less syllable in word-initial position 100
3.4.2 The moraicity of derived glides 102
3.4.3 Word-internal coda versus word-final coda 103
3.5 Summary 106

Chapter 4 Stress 108
4.1 Stress in Sinvaudjan Paiwan 109
4.1.1 The unmarked penultimate stress 109
4.1.2 The marked final stress 110
4.1.3 An OT analysis 112
4.2 Quality-sensitive stress in Piuma Paiwan 114
4.2.1 Sonority-driven stress 114
4.2.2 A formal analysis 118
4.2.3 Subdialectal difference as constraint reranking 123
4.3 Avoidance of schwa in feet and alternatives of Piuma Paiwan 127
4.3.1 The constraint *FT/浅 127
4.3.2 Other alternatives 128
4.3.2.1 A rule-based analysis 129
4.3.2.2 An alternative referring to metrical troughs 130
4.3.2.3 An alternative referring to foot-head 132
4.4 Surface opacity of metrical structure 134
4.4.1 Word-medial coda and the atypical stress 134
4.4.2 Final stress resulted from schwa loss 138
4.5 Summary 141

Chapter 5 Phonology-Morphology interaction—Reduplication 143
5.1 Reduplication in Paiwan 144
5.1.1 Ca- reduplication 144
5.1.2 Lexicalized reduplication 145
5.1.3 Full reduplication 148
5.2 Full reduplication as historical residue 151
5.2.1 Considering historical reasons 151
5.2.2 Analyzing full reduplication 152
5.2.2.1 The data 152
5.2.2.2 Prosodic circumscription in a derivational framework 154
5.2.2.3 How do constraints deal with the pattern 155
5.2.2.4 Amis reduplication as a support 159
5.3 The problems raised in alternative analyses 161
5.3.1 Reduplicant does not match a prosodic unit 162
5.3.2 The copy direction 162
5.3.3 The assumption of word-internal moraic coda 163
5.4 Summary 164

Chapter 6 Conclusion 165

References 167
Appendix 1 Orthographic system of Paiwan 178

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