本文說明台灣華語音節末鼻音合流之方言變異:北部有/in/→[iŋ]及/əŋ/→[ən],南部則外加/iŋ/→[in]。前二者為新規則,後者則源於閩語負遷移。規則意涵似由起源、類比與說者信心度決定。/iŋ/→[in]因閩語負遷移而污名化,/əŋ/→[ən]則經類比而帶負面意涵,/in/→[iŋ]則相當正面。北部人為標準語代表,對合流語形接受度較南部人高。規則意涵與發展進程成正比。/in/→[iŋ]最接近完全音韻化,/əŋ/→[ən]次之,/iŋ/→[in]最慢。同時具/in/→[iŋ]與/iŋ/→[in]者之合流率較僅有單一規則者低。推測社會意涵衝突及認知負荷增加為主因。
This paper reports a dialectal split in syllable-final nasal mergers between northern and southern Taiwan Mandarin: both /in/ → [iŋ] and /əŋ/ → [ən] are found in northerners' speech, while an additional /iŋ/ → [in] is reported among southerners. The former two mergers are treated as innovations while the latter is due to negative Min transfer. Rule connotation seems to be a combined result of origin, analogy, and speaker confidence. /iŋ/ → [in] is stigmatized due to Min transfer, /əŋ/ → [ən] has acquired a slight negative tang by analogy, and /in/ → [iŋ] is deemed as fairly positive. Regardless of rules, northerners, being speakers of the standard dialect, are generally more receptive to merged forms than southerners. A positive correlation is found between rule connotation and development. /in/ → [iŋ] is the closest to complete phonologization, followed by /əŋ/ → [ən], and /iŋ/ → [in], which is the least developed. Rule interaction is found in speakers that have both rules involving /i/. Those who have only one rule show higher merging rates than those who have both rules. Conflict of social connotation and increased cognitive loading are posited to be the cause.
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