政治意志與社會資本對性別平等機制的影響：以柯文哲市長與台北市女委會為例

本文以台北市柯文哲市長與第10、11屆（2015-2019）台北市女性權益促進委員會（女委會）為研究對象，提出一組分析政治意志與社會資本存在和強弱的指標，探討兩者之間的連結與變化如何影響女委會的運作效能，以及如何受到市議會、婦運／同志團體、反同志團體、相關法律與社會輿論等政治環境因素的影響。本文主要有三個發現：（1）柯市長在政治意志的四項指標低落，包括：缺乏性平進步價值，處理同志教育議題立場搖擺；大會出席率極低，不願意親自主持；沒有特別指示與獎懲措施，導致女委會難以推動跨局處性平政策；忽視性別平等辦公室（性平辦）人力需求與監督機制之建立。（2）這兩屆女委會的民間委員人數增多且團體成員多元，但無法建立較強的結合型社會資本，與性平辦、局處也發展不出橋接型社會資本，影響推動性平政策的成效。（3）個別民間委員發展出體制內外同步交攻的抗爭策略，企圖阻止修改性別平等教育委員會設置要點，聘任反同志家長團體擔任委員。本文最後提出理論發展與建立問責制度的建議。

關鍵字

性平會；性別平等政策機制；國家女性主義；婦女運動；同志運動；女性主義官僚

並列摘要

This article examines the operational effectiveness of the 10th and 11th Taipei City Committee of Women's Rights (TCCWR). The article elaborates an analytical framework that identifies a set of characteristics/ indicators of political will and social capital, and elaborates external political factors that influence the expression and intensity of Ko's political will. The conceptual model traces how the links between political will, social capital, and external factors have affected the TCCWR's efforts to promote gender equality policies. There are three main findings: (1) Ko's four indicators of political will were all very low: lack of progressive values of gender equality; extremely low attendance rate and reluctance to preside over the TCCWR's meetings; no special instructions, rewards and punishments, making it difficult for the TCCWR to initiate cross-departmental policies; and neglect of the need for manpower and an oversight mechanism for the Gender Equality Office (GEO). (2) The increase in the number and diversity of commissioners in these two terms prevented them from building stronger bonds and social capital among themselves. Ko's lack of attention also impeded the commissioners building social capital to liaison with the GEO and public agencies, which in turn undermined the TCCWR's effectiveness. (3) Several commissioners developed campaign strategies both inside and outside the establishment to try to bolster Ko's sagging political will. One effort was an attempt to prevent the Department of Education, under pressure from anti-gay city councilors, from amending the Establishment Directions for Gender Equity Education Committee to include anti-gay parent groups as members. The article concludes with recommendations on development of theory and institutionalization of accountability.

並列關鍵字

gender equality committee ； gender equality policy mechanism ； state feminism ； women's movements ； LGBT movements ； femocrat

參考文獻

黃淑玲、伍維婷（2016），〈當婦運衝撞國家：婦權會推動性別主流化的合縱連橫策略〉，《台灣社會學》，32:1-55。doi:10.6676/TS.2016.32.01

林芳玫（2008），〈政府與婦女團體的關係及其轉變：以台灣為例探討婦女運動與性別主流化〉，《國家與社會》，5:159-203。doi:10.30174/JSS.200812.0005

杜文苓、彭渰雯（2008），〈社運團體的體制內參與及影響：以環評會與婦權會為例〉，《台灣民主季刊》，5(1):119-148。doi:10.6448/TDQ.200803.0119

楊婉瑩（2004），〈婦權會到性別平等委員會的轉變：一個國家女性主義的比較觀點分析〉，《政治科學論叢》，21:117-148。doi:10.6166/TJPS.21(117-147)

Brinkerhoff, Derick W. (2000). Assessing political will for anti-corruption efforts: An analytic framework. Public Administration and Development: The International Journal of Management Research and Practice, 20(3): 239-252. doi: 10.1002/1099-162X(200008)20:3<239::AID-PAD138>3.0.CO;2-3

國際替代計量

政治意志與社會資本對性別平等機制的影響：以柯文哲市長與台北市女委會為例

全文下載

主題瀏覽