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政治權力與集體記憶的競逐-從報紙之報導來看對二二八的詮釋

Political Power and the Competition of Collective Memories: Interpreting the 228 Incident through Newspaper Analysis

摘要


本文將從集體記憶的理論來分析對二二八事件的詮釋權。爲分析需要,本文分爲三個階段來探討。第一階段爲二二八事件發生後以及解嚴之前的國民黨威權統治時期,第二階段爲解嚴之後的國民黨執政時期,第三階段爲第一次政黨輪替後的民進黨執政時期。第一階段,國民黨政府擁有主控集體記憶的權力,用盡各種方式讓「二二八」從臺灣社會消失,幾乎形成集體記憶的斷裂。然而隨著民主化的發展,那些政府想壓抑或遺忘的事件逐漸冒出,到最終並無法壓制住,所以在第二階段,政府態度也被動的隨之而轉變。第三階段爲2000年政黨輪替之後,掌權者對二二八有不同之做法與詮釋。《二二八事件責任歸屬研究報告》一書指出蔣介石是「二二八的元凶」,引發一向強調蔣中正在中國五千年歷史一脈相承的領導地位的國民黨之不滿。從媒體的報導內容可以看出此兩股力量之競逐。無論誰執政,執政黨皆想要利用執政優勢,來進行他們對歷史的詮釋。然而在民主社會中,存在多元的意見與資訊,民間社會有抗拒任意操弄的力量。

並列摘要


This paper employs the theory of collective memory to interpret the development of the 228 Incident in public discourse. This study will be divided into three periods, the first period being before the abolition of martial law, and the second period being after its abolition during Kuomintang (KMT) rule. The third period takes place during the period when the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) took the presidency. During the first period, the KMT government completely controlled the power of collective memory; as a result, the word ”228” disappeared from the public. However, as society became more democratic and more information was released, the government had no choice but to respond to the demand for the truth of the Incident. Therefore, the second period can be a period of reconstruction. During the third period, the DPP government had its own interpretation of the Incident. A book titled The 228 Incident: A Report on Responsibility argued that Chiang Kai-shek should be responsible for the massacre. The book that simply infuriated the KMT. It is apparent that there are different political powers competing for Taiwan's collective memory. Any incumbent government attempts to control the interpretation of collective memory. But in a free society, the government should not and will not control everything.

參考文獻


黃秀政、蕭明治(2008)。二二八事件的善後與賠償-以「延平學院復校」爲例。興大歷史學報。20,135-150。
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