漢語動詞「吃」從行動到遭受的語意延伸—兼論辭彙化分類

From Active Voice "Eating" to Passive Voice "Suffering"-The Semantic Change of Verb Chi in Chinese

陳菘霖(Sung-Lin Chen)

《華語文教學研究》 9卷1期 (2012/03) Pp. 51-72

https://doi.org/10.6393/JCLT.201203.0052

摘要

依據論元結構（Argument structure）而論，動詞「吃」需指派兩個論元〔agent, theme〕分別作為主語及賓語。施事主語具自主性（+volitional）和控制性（+controlling）的語意特徵，而受事賓語則有具體性（+concrete）。除了典型的動作及物（action，transitive）用法外，另有非動作不及物（non-action，intransitive），表示「遭受」（suffer）意，主語成為了經驗者（experiencer）而賓語是刺激物（stimulus）。這兩種不同的語意，卻有相同的形式結構：（S）NP1+（V）吃+（O）NP2。本文基於動態語法（emergentgrammar）討論動詞「吃」的賓語由具體性（+concrete）泛化（generalization）為非具體性（-concrete），並且帶有不幸（adversity）的意涵。而主語的論元語意角色（semantic role），從動作施事者，成了非自主性的（-volitional）經驗者，使得動詞「吃」由動作及物，重新理解（reinterpretation）為非動作性不及物的用法。同時，本文也從辭彙化角度試圖為「吃X」形式做分類。

關鍵字

論元結構 ； 語意角色 ； 辭彙化 ； 動態語法

並列摘要

In terms of argument structure, the verb chi1 吃 'eat' requires an agent and a theme as the subject and object respectively. The agent subject possesses the semantic features of [+volition] and [+control], while the theme object has the feature of [+concrete]. Aside from the typical action and transitive usage, non-action and intransitive usage, meaning suffering, also exists. In the case of the non-action and intransitive usage, the subject becomes an experiencer and the object a stimulus, yet these two different semantic meanings are derived under an identical formal structure: (S) NP1 + (V)吃+(O)NP2. Based on emergent grammar, the current study reveals that the object of chi1 吃 is generalized from [+concrete] to [-concrete] and equipped with the implication of adversity. Furthermore, the semantic role of the subject is transformed into a non-volitional experiencer from an agent, making chi1 吃 reinterpreted as non-action and intransitive rather than action and transitive. On the other hand, this study attempts to categorize various types of ”吃X” from the perspective of lexicalization.

並列關鍵字

argument structure ； semantic role ； lexicalization ； emergent grammar

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