重讀水沙連：從水域文化之保育理述邵族生存抗爭

Rereading the Swei-Sa-Lien：Theorizing the Survival Struggles of the Thao People and The Roles of their Ritual Practices in the Conservation of their Lake-Culture

陳永龍(Yong-Long Chen)

指導教授 ： 夏鑄九

國立臺灣大學/工學院/建築與城鄉研究所/博士(2005年)

https://doi.org/10.6342/NTU.2005.00100

摘要

本論文以行動研究取向，融合了演化生態學、歷史地理學、政治經濟學與文化研究的方法論，透過邵族人經歷九二一地震的災後重建過程，來探究邵族的生存抗爭和水域文化之間的關聯，嘗試釐清「文化」與「生態」環境間的關係。透過構聯「文化/基因」與「創造性的適應機制」的概念，並在政治經濟史的架構下，發現邵族人在台灣近代經濟社會變遷中，受到殖民主義和漢人主體社會的文化壓迫，逐漸朝向語言文化與生活淪失的路途。

然而，透過儀式分析，卻意外地發現邵族人的「集體記憶」與「水域生活文化」間的微妙關係，看到邵族人在不同的歷史階段中，採取著不同形制的「社會性自我保護」方式，在對抗主體社會。在這個層次之意義上，我們重新讀水沙連與邵族的祭典儀式，也才清晰地看到長久以來，這些祭儀形式與水域生活之「文化基因」記憶間的關聯。當「儀式祭典」作為邵族社會性自我保護的最後一到防線，以維繫邵族人的自我族群認同時；在祭儀中保存邵族人有關水域生活淪失的歷史記憶，也就變得更為重要。

因此，一如「文化基因」作為人類與環境創造性適應的機制，邵族人在祭典儀式中也隱藏了特殊的歷史記憶之密碼；而繼續透過各種「傳統的發明」，來持續與繁衍邵族人之水域生活文化。而這也是邵族人所以稱為「伊達邵」與「水沙連」之代表的關鍵所在！以生命文化多樣性和「文化基因」的保育觀點出發，邵族的水域生活是應當被保護與重建的。

在寫作安排上，導論便由生物基因的保育到文化基因的保育，以水沙連「湖沼生態文化與溼地經濟」的生活方式出發，去閱讀所有歷史變動的材料，論證邵族土地與文化的淪失，在地震後的災後重建並不是「還我土地」而已，更不只是「正名運動」那般以為把名字改過來就結束了；而更（應）是「湖沼溼地生活文化」等生存經濟與生活方式的重建。換句話說，邵族的問題不是正名的問題，也不只是隨便把一塊土地要回來的問題，而是有關水域生活方式與溼地生活文化的保存與重新發明問題；更具體地說，是邵族「文化基因」的保育問題！

在第二章裡，筆者將主要以「客觀的歷史材料」作為背景，討論邵族土地與文化淪失的歷史變遷過程；而邵族的土地與文化淪失歷史，其實是邵族水濱與水棲生活文化與生活方式的淪失。只是，在看似客觀中立的歷史變遷過程中，除了邵族的滄桑；卻也要看到地震後的轉折與出現新的希望，而這讓我們不能用舊的思惟面對新的變動。於是我們有必要藉助一些工具，幫助我們看清邵族的政治經濟與文化政治，藉以重讀水沙連邵族之歷史變動。

第三章是幫助我們看清邵族政治經濟與文化政治的認識架構；以Polanyi的激進政治經濟學取向出發，指出市場社會三種虛構的商品，與經濟�社會的雙向運動，並強調「大自然反撲」與「社會的自我保護」的意義。並以此基礎，基進地重讀Braudel所暗指的「反市場的資本主義」意含，在實踐上應朝向物質文明�市場經濟的聯手，才能抵禦資本主義的向下侵透，抗拒日常生活的被殖民化！這樣才能聯結社群防護之文化政治操作，以及邁向生命樣式多樣性之保存的努力，而有助於重新閱讀邵族災後重建的變化，看到希望之主體與可能性。

在第四章裡面，筆者以以九二一地震作為邵族重建與命運的翻轉點，討論災後重建過程中，邵族重返Puzi祖居地的尋根、邵族的協力造屋經驗、族名與地名的正名，傳統儀式祭典的恢復、重新造獨木舟、與部落地圖漢解說員培訓等等過程；並介紹其重建過程中，所產生的「內捲」與「外翻」的現象。內捲部份，是勞動合作社以及討論自治區等內部權力關係的重整，打造希望之主體與新的生活共同體；外翻部份，則包含民間的回應與轉折，特別是連結邵族跨界互助而讓松鶴部落竹屋重建，變成民宿發展的成功個案。以及邵族的「正名」、「還我土地」、「自治」運動，國家究竟如何回應？

第五章裡，筆者重新用社會性自我防護的觀點，重新閱讀邵族人生存抗爭。因此，邵族的歷史變動，其實和世界性的市場資本主義擴張，以及歷代政權之政治介入有密切的關聯；這導致邵族人的水域生活淪失殆盡。但另一方面，我們也閱讀出邵族在歷代中，透過不一樣的形態，時時在進行著社會性的自我防護，即使在水域生活文化看似淪失的時候，我們也看到所有與水有關的文化記憶，其核心精神幾乎都只保存在儀式祭典這最後的一道防線中。而這也意味著邵族生存抗爭與災後重建，其實各種重建形式與內容背後的精神，都是要邁向「湖沼溼地生活文化」等生存經濟與生活方式的重建。

而在第六章，我重新詮釋邵族重建的文化政治意含及災難經驗反思；邵族重建不是「正名」的問題，也不是隨便把一塊土地要回來的「還我土地」問題，而是有關「水域生活方式」與「溼地生活文化」的保存與重新發明問題！並藉由把邵族重建安置在「湖沼溼地生活文化」等生存經濟與生活方式的重建上，看到「原初豐裕社會」概念之啟發，以及原住民土地倫理與生態智慧的重構課題；也論證儀式作為保存邵族人水域生活的歷史，其重要便在於「創造性適應」的機制，而讓祭儀替現（represent）邵族水域生活「文化基因」之記憶。而這樣的生活主體重建，才是水沙連未來得以永續發展的基礎。

結論中，簡要重讀水沙連並以文化基因之保育理述邵族之生存抗爭，而認為必定要看到這個文化基因的記憶，至今仍深深烙印在年輕一輩的邵族人心中；這是「希望之主體」與「傳統的發明」之所在，也是使邵族人免於滅亡與消失的關鍵憑藉。是以，我們切切不能不看到邵族人作為希望之主體，在水沙連所不斷演發的創造性適應之水域生活文化，而應當更加為之動容。

關鍵字

震災重建 ； 自立造屋 ； 文化基因 ； 創造性適應 ； 儀式 ； 集體記憶 ； 社會自我保護 ； 希望之主體 ； 傳統的發明

並列摘要

In Taiwan, there are more than 12 ethnic groups which were official recognized (and designated) by the government. This dissertation discusses the survival struggles and societal self-defense actions taken by the Thao People who used to lead a life of lake-cultural in and around the beautiful waterfront of Zintun (Sun-Moon Lake).

For the past four hundred years, the indigenous peoples have endured many regimes： Dutch’s Army and Company (1624-1662), Mr. Zheng’s Army of Min Dynasty (1662-1683), Chin Dynasty (1683-1895), Japan colonial government (1895-1945), the KMT regime (1945-2000) and the present DPP Government (2000- ). At present, the Thao People is the smallest indigenous groups identified by the regime. As the government has it, the ethnic group nowadays was counted no more than 300 people; i.e. those who were able to be identified because they are still practicing their rituals and are living more or less together around the mountain area of Sun-Moon Lake in Mid-Taiwan.

On Sep. 21, 1999, a 6.8 earthquake destroyed about 80% houses of the Thao People’s residential area. Since official resources for reconstruction did not get into Thao area, they were forced to rebuild their community from scratch with their own hands. They made efforts to go back to visit their ancestral living place, which were sub-merged under water after the quake, and made solemn declaration stating that the land as well as the lake are always belonged to the Thao. They fought to preserve their sacred spaces for their everyday subsistence as well as for the revival of their lake-cultural practices. Nowadays, most of the Thao people managed to regroup themselves and live together in their self-built community. They try to revive their traditional craftsmanship and rediscover their lost ritual practices which were inspired and intimately linked to their lake culture. They know their road ahead is still difficult and arduous, yet, the Thao People believe that only their own sustained effort could create a better future for themselves..

In this dissertation, my aims -- grounded on evolutionary ecology, historical geography, critical political economy and radical cultural study -- are to study how Thao cultural practices were articulated with their ecosystem, how their culture helped their reconstruction of their community and their identity after the earthquake. Understood that cultures in society are as the genes in ecosystem which constantly interact with the environmental and its changes. So do cultural practices, which were developed on multiple – hidden or not so hidden – cultural logic(s) that serve as mechanism of creative adaptation. These practices, interact with the ecology systems involved, enable the people to defend their ways of live as well as helping the lived-world to escape dangers and flourish. In a sense, we can say the cultural genes have important role to play in terms of societal self-defends and live-maintenance.

In the Thao People’s case, I discovered that their rich culture genes -- which funstion as mechanism for creative adaptation – were deeply embedded in their everyday ritual practices. These rituals and practices actually capsulized their immense ecological wisdoms and manifested tested-knowledge from their histories. It preserves collective memories for reminding their descendants what they must remember as historical lessons. On the other hand, their ritual practices also valorized their sacred space, and marked out their normal everyday live space in contrast. Through those rituals links were again made, to connect the Thao people to their space of ancestry site Lalu (island in Zintun / Sun-Moon Lake). Ties are therefore remade, to connect the Thao People’s to their very own lake-culture. In sum, these ‘lake-cultural genes’, so to speak -- as a mechanism of societal self-protection and societal self-addressing – can be understood as one of the must crucial elements which protected the Thao People and their culture from been destroyed.

並列關鍵字

Cultural survival ； Ritual practice ； Lake- culture ； cultural gene ； creative adaptation ； collective memory ； societal self-defense ； Bio-Cultural Diversity

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