中國大陸創新創業發展研究—以北京中關村為例

回顧中國大陸科技創新戰略發展的歷程，可以發現以科技創新政策引導國家發展早已成為中國大陸的基本方針。由於近年中國大陸面臨經濟下行的壓力，提出「大眾創新、萬眾創業」作為經濟成長的新動力，大量眾創空間、孵化器等民營創新創業基地成立，成為創新創業發展的核心。北京中關村作為中國大陸科技創新與創業的領跑者，由於北京中關村擁有得天獨厚的位區優勢、政策資源與歷史使命，並積累了豐富的科技創新管理經驗與優質環境，有著數量眾多與成果豐碩的創新創業基地存在其中。因此，本文選取北京中關村作為探討中國大陸創新創業發展的代表，有其重要之意涵。本文以國家與地方科技創新與創業政策的變遷為主軸，從國家與地方創新創業相關政策進行梳理，以宏觀與微觀的兩種研究視角交互進行觀察。先以倡導聯盟架構從宏觀層面去分析政策倡導聯盟的演變過程，從而解構聯盟之間在政策制定推行的角力，以及政策產出與變遷之間的關鍵動力機制。再以國家創新系統從微觀層面去理解聯盟中行為主體的功能與目的及其互動關係，從而剖析中國大陸創新創業發展的歷程與現況。在研究方法方面，本文採取田野調查與深度訪談，進入北京中關村對中國大陸創新創業發展與現況進行資料蒐集與分析，訪談相關行動者了解其扮演角色與互動關係。研究發現中國大陸創新創業政策變遷呈現階段式發展規律，在四個階段中各自反應著當代領導人國家發展思維與政策目標，政策倡導聯盟歷經形成、拓展、擴大與分化四個階段，各階段在深層核心信念方面保持穩定，但在一系列外部系統事件、政策掮客協調與政策導向學習下導致政策核心信念和次級信念均發生變化。而在第四階段分化出以府與社會為代表的兩個聯盟，基於「經濟增長」的共同深層核心信念，在政策制定過程中產生「互利互惠」與「合作治理」的互動關係。此外，中關村創新創業政策涉及從中央到地方等各個政府單位「由上至下」與「因地制宜」的制定過程。在這個基礎之上，本文進一步建構由政府部門、創新創業基地、企業、教育機構、科研機構等行動主體組成的國家創新創業系統。在國家創新創業系統中，創新創業基地是與政府部門互動的主要行動者，會以多種互動形式產生博弈影響政策內容，促進產官學研保持緊密的關聯；而以中關村管委會為代表的政府部門有著政策制定的「自主性」，但又「鑲嵌」於以創新創業基地為代表的社會之中，使政府知曉創新創業發展的實際困難和需求，繼而轉化為國家政策或改革措施幫助企業發展，達成推動國家經濟發展的目標。本文認為這種「鑲嵌性自主」模式基於創新創業的多元、新興與快速變化的特性，政府出現無法給予準確發展指導的「力有未逮」之情況，使得過去被排除在決策圈外社會行動者得以發揮政策影響力，以共同的信仰價值推動經濟增長的願景與目標。

關鍵字

創新創業；國家創新系統；鑲嵌性自主；倡導聯盟架構；北京中關村

並列摘要

An overview of the history of China's scientific and technological innovation strategy development would suggest that it has already become the standard for China to guide national development with science and technology innovation policy. In recent years, China has faced downward pressure from the economy, and proposed “mass entrepreneurship and innovation” as a new impetus for economic growth. A large number of innovation and entrepreneurship bases such as makerspaces and incubators have become hotbeds of innovation and entrepreneurship. As a leader in science and technology innovation and entrepreneurship in China, Beijing Zhongguancun has a unique niche, policy resources and historical mission, and has accumulated rich experience in scientific and technological innovation management and a high-quality environment, with a large number of innovative and entrepreneurial bases with fruitful results. As such, this paper will specifically examine Beijing Zhongguancun to explore the development of innovation and entrepreneurship in China, and such inquiry has important implications. This paper takes the changes of national and local science and technology innovation and entrepreneurship policies as the main focus. It then sorts out relevant policies of national and local innovation and entrepreneurship, and observing through the lenses of the macroscopic and microcosmic. Firstly, the evolution process of advocacy coalition of policy is analyzed from the macroscopic level by an advocacy coalition framework, thus deconstructing the struggle between the coalitions in the process of policy formulation and the key drivers of policy output and change. Second, we understand the function, purpose, and interaction of the actors in the coalitions from the micro level with the national innovation system, so as to analyze the history and the current situation of innovation and entrepreneurship development in China. In terms of research methods, this paper examines findings from field research and in-depth interviews to enter Beijing Zhongguancun to collect and analyze the development and current situation of innovation and entrepreneurship in China, as well as interviewing relevant actors to understand their roles and interactions. This study finds that the changes in innovation and entrepreneurship policies of China show a stage-based development law. In each of the four stages, the policies reflect the development thinking and policy objectives of contemporary leaders. The policy advocacy coalitions have undergone four stages of formation, expansion, enlargement, and differentiation. Each stage is stable in the deep core belief, but under a series of external system events, policy broker coordination and policy-oriented learning, policy core beliefs and subordinate beliefs are changed. In the fourth stage, which generates two coalitions represented by the government and society. Based on the common core belief of “economic growth”, the interaction relationship between “mutual benefit” and “cooperative governance”is generated in the process of policy formulation. In addition, the Zhongguancun's innovation and entrepreneurship policies involve the process of “top-to-bottom” and “adapted to local conditions” from various central and local government agencies. Based on this framework, this paper further constructs a national innovation and entrepreneurship system composed of government departments, innovation and entrepreneurship bases, enterprises, educational institutions, and scientific research institutions. In the national innovation and entrepreneurship system, the innovation and entrepreneurship hubs are the main actors in interaction with government departments. The policy game influence policy content is generated in a variety of interactive forms to promote the close relationship amongst industry, government, and research. The government department represented by Zhongguancun Management Committee has the “autonomy” of policy formulation, and is “embedded” in a society represented by innovation and entrepreneurship bases. Among other things, the government must be aware of the practical difficulties and needs of innovation and entrepreneurship development, and it must subsequently enact policies or reform measures to help enterprises promote the development of a national economy. This paper argues that this “embedded autonomy” model is based on the diversified, emerging and rapidly changing characteristics of innovation and entrepreneurship in China. Because of the government appears to be unable to give accurate development guidance of “agency slack” has enabled social actors who were excluded from the decision-making circle to exert policy influence and promote the vision and goals of economic growth with common values of faith.