學習成為臺灣公民:中壢饅頭國小高年級學童政治社會化之個案研究

Learning to Be a Citizen of Taiwan: Chungli Bread Fifth Grade Students Case Study of Political Socialization

曾雅新(Ya-Xin Zeng)

指導教授 ： 陳明通

國立臺灣大學/社會科學院/國家發展研究所/碩士(2010年)

https://doi.org/10.6342/NTU.2010.10496

摘要

本研究旨在探討中壢市饅頭國小學童的政治社會化現況，在不同個人背景因素對政治社會化的影響、在不同媒介因素對政治社會化的影響、社會課程對政治社會化的影響。本研究係以中壢市國民小學九十八學年度五年級某一校某一班學童為研究對象。
一、以學童政治知識主類目而言，在前後測中，學生在「政治社群」方面的答對率最高，在「政治典則」方面的進步幅度最高。以學童政治知識各次類目而言，在前後測中，以「政治人物」的答對率最高，以「政黨」及「政治結構」的答對率最低。
二、學童的政治態度總量表而言，學生的前測政治態度顯得「略為積極」，學生的後測政治態度則顯得「積極」。以學童政治態度分量表而言，在前測中，「國家認同感」是最高分，「民主價值取向」是最低分；在後測中，「統獨傾向」是最高分，「政治信任感」是最低分。以「族群意識」而言，學生的「臺灣人認同」由前測的80%進展到後測的100%。
三、以學童的政治參與總量表而論，學生的前測政治參與顯得「略為積極」，學生的後測政治參與則顯得「積極」。以學童政治參與分量表而論，在前測中，「政治尊重」是最高分，「政治興趣」是最低分；在後測中，「參與功效感」是最高分，「政治興趣」仍是最低分。
四、不同背景或媒介因素，僅有「母親教育程度」、「班級幹部經驗」、「家庭結構」會在政治知識前後測造成顯著差異。而在政治態度和政治參與方面，不同背景或媒介因素，除了「政治偏好」外，其餘在前後測均無法造成顯著差異，顯示家庭的政治社會化功能有限。
五、社會課程在政治知識、政治態度、政治參與，除了「國家認同感」、「政治信任感」、「政見關注」、「政治偏好」外，均造成前後測顯著的差異，代表社會課程（包括小市長選舉活動）發揮的影響力是顯而易見的。

關鍵字

國小學童 ； 政治社會化 ； 政治知識 ； 政治態度 ； 政治參與

並列摘要

In this study, aims at Chungli bread elementary school children's political socialization of the current situation, in different background factors on the impact of political socialization, in different media factors on the impact of political socialization, social programs on the impact of political socialization. This research take Jhongli City Elementary School 98 school year of a five-grade school children to study a certain class as object of study.
First, the main categories of political knowledge to students, the posttest, students in the "political community" of the highest rates of correct answers, in the "political canonical" advances in the highest magnitude. To students the various categories in terms of political knowledge, in the before and after the test, the "politicians" is the highest rate of correct answers ; "political parties" and "political structure" of the correct response rate is the lowest.
Second, children's political attitudes total scale, the political attitudes of students before the test appeared "slightly positive", the political attitudes of students after the test which seems to "positive." To students in terms of political attitudes subscale, the first test, the "national identity" is the highest score, "democratic values" is the lowest score; in the post-test, the "unification vs. independence orientation" is the highest score, "political trust "is the lowest score. To "ethnic consciousness", the students "Taiwanese identity" by the progress of 80% pretest to posttest, 100%.
Third, students list the total terms of political participation, political participation, the students become the first test, "slightly positive", the political participation of students after the test it appears that "positive." In terms of student political participation subscales, the first test, the "political respect" is the highest score, "political interest" is the lowest score; in the post-test, the "sense of participation in effect," is the highest score, "political interest" is still lowest score.
Forth, with different background factors or media, only "maternal education", "class cadres experience", "family structure" will result in political knowledge significantly different before and after the test. In political attitudes and political participation, different backgrounds or media reasons, apart from "political preferences", the rest were not in before and after the test result in significant differences, indicating the family's political socialization function is limited.
Fifth, the social programs in political knowledge, political attitudes, political participation, in addition to "national identity", "political trust", "political concern" and "political preferences", the all cause significant differences before and after the test on behalf of social programs ( including small mayor election), the effect of power is obvious.

並列關鍵字

elementary school children ； political socialization ； political knowledge ； political attitudes ； political participation

參考文獻

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