賽德克語韻律研究

A Study of the Prosody in Seediq

劉業馨(Yeh-Hsin Liu)

指導教授 ： 江文瑜

國立臺灣大學/文學院/語言學研究所/碩士(2009年)

https://doi.org/10.6342/NTU.2009.02149

摘要

本篇論文以台灣南島語系中賽德克語之德固達雅方言為研究對象，探討其韻律系統中詞彙層次的重音現象和後詞彙層次的句型語調。早期線性聲韻學研究 (Li, 1977; Yang, 1976) 指出賽德克語重音規率地出現在倒數第二個音節，然而不及全面深入分析其重音之超音段特徵，也尚未進一步涉獵後詞彙韻律和句型結構間的互動。故針對以上方向，本研究提出三個研究問題：一、賽德克語詞彙重音的聲學特質為何？二、詞彙重音和後詞彙語調間在語音及聲韻的表現上有何交互作用？三、在句子語調上，韻律系統的運作與語言結構有何關聯？而本研究也將根據這些研究問題的成果提出韻律類型學中連續體的存在。六位賽德克母語者參與本實驗研究的語料採集。本研究針對擷取自篩選單字的音節韻母進行聲學測量及量化分析，並且根據ToBI理論架構質化檢驗不同句型結構的設計句子。

首先，本研究針對四個主要的韻律特質，包括基礎頻率、時間長度、音量強度及母音特性，提出九項聲學參數加以分析。實驗結果指出賽德克語的重音節韻母與非重音音節韻母相比時，在基礎頻率方面中表現出高平均值、平緩的音調斜率以及延遲的波峰整合，另外亦顯示出高音量強度、母音空間分布的差異，以及母音特性在音節位置和聲母環境因素影響下具有較高的穩定度。此結果也展現了賽德克語兼具傳統重音語言和音調語言的詞彙韻律機制。

其次，本研究根據句型詞彙語料的觀察，提出以音調變化為基礎的S_ToBI語調轉寫系統，並且指出後詞彙的高音調與詞彙重音具有極相似的基礎頻率特質。此外，後詞彙韻律層次允許額外的重音變化，包括尾隨的低音調、重音強化、弱化和波峰延遲；而當是非問句句末插入單音節詞彙時，為了保持句末雙音節的局部語調變化，必要的重音轉移將會超越倒數第二音節的重音限制。

再者，本研究加以探討賽德克語基本句型結構的語調，包括直述句、問句﹝是非問句及疑問詞問句﹞、否定句以及命令句。分析結果顯示不同句型間的語調主要是以邊緣調和最顯著重音的實現加以區別，而且韻律及句法間有明顯的互動作用。在邊緣調方面，除了是非問句採用半降調或持平的高調外，其餘句型皆採用全降調。而最顯著重音則多規律地落在述語末之實詞上，只有主題化的直述句和疑問詞問句會運用韻律凸顯語意焦點，賦予移至句首的主詞或句中位置不固定的疑問詞最顯著的語調重音。

最後，參照Ladd (1996)的韻律類型學理論，本論文嘗試根據賽德克語的研究成果，提出一個涵蓋了語音和詞彙兩象限的二維連續體。基於賽德克語融合運用重音語言和音調語言的聲學特質﹝基礎頻率、能量及母音特性﹞來表現詞彙重音，本語言在語音類型象限上可被視為居於語音連續體的中段。而在句子層次中，賽德克語除了依循倒數第二音節的詞彙重音規則之外，還展現了後詞彙層次的重音變化和重音轉移，故本語言在詞彙類型象限的連續體上可被視為偏向以語調特徵來顯示詞彙功能，但同時亦能顯示少部分的後詞彙功能。

本篇論文對賽德克語的韻律系統提供了一個兼具聲學和聲韻角度的分析，期盼其成果能對目前台灣南島語韻律結購的認識有所增益。同時本研究嘗試針對語音和詞彙類型學提出一個非兩極化的二維連續體，希望對跨語系的韻律類型理論上有所貢獻。此外，本論文嘗試將ToBI系統應用至台灣南島語的韻律研究，期望能為將來賽德克語或普遍台灣南島語的進階研究，提供一個有效率且值得參考的研究架構。

關鍵字

賽德克語 ； 韻律 ； 詞彙重音 ； 語調 ； 聲學 ； 類型學 ； ToBI

並列摘要

This thesis aims to shed light on both lexical and post-lexical prosody in Tgdaya Seediq, a Formosan indigenous language. Seediq has been suggested as paroxytonal in phonological linear studies (Li, 1977, 1991; Yang, 1976), but the suprasegmental features of its lexical accent have not yet been fully recognized, nor has the post-lexical interaction between prosody and sentential formations. Thus three major research questions are to be answered: (1) What are the crucial acoustic properties of lexical accent in Seediq? (2) How does lexical prosody interact with post-lexical prosody with respect to phonetic and phonological representations? (3) How does prosody interact with other areas of grammar in the scope of intonation? The answers to these three questions further leads to the proposal of continua in prosodic typology. Six native speakers of Seediq participated in this empirical study: syllabic rime data from selected lexicon are compared across accented conditions by acoustic measurements and quantitative methods; and designed sentences of different sentence types are examined in line with ToBI framework and cross-analyzed in the qualitative approach.

First, four major prosodic properties, i.e. fundamental frequency (F0), duration, intensity, and vowel quality, are scrutinized based on nine detailed acoustic parameters. The experiments indicate that accented rimes in Seediq are characterized by F0 features (higher F0 mean, milder F0 slope, and late F0 peak alignment) as well as non-F0 features (higher intensity, varying vowel dispersion, and relative spectral stability under the influence of syllabic position and onset environment) in contrast with non-accented rimes, revealing a cross-border integration of lexical-accentual mechanisms between conventional stress accent and non-stress (pitch) accent languages.

Second, sentence data provide the basis for the transcription model of S_ToBI, which centers on the intonational pitch contour, and reveal a high correspondence of F0 realization between post-lexical high tone target and lexical accent. In addition, post-lexical pitch accents allow for extra specifications, such as tailing low tone, upstepping, downstepping, and peak delay; whereas the required accent shift, triggered by final monosyllabic insertion in yes-no questions, may outrank the paroxytonal principle to fulfill the local pitch modification on the final disyllable.

Third, the intonation patterns of basic sentence formations, i.e. declarative, interrogative (yes-no and wh-word questions), negative, and imperative, display essential distinctions in boundary tones and the realization of peak pitch prominence, suggesting a strong interplay between prosody and syntax. Yes-no questions show terminal half-falling or sustained high pitch contour while all other sentence structures exhibit full pitch fall; and peak prominence is regularly realized on the predicate-final major lexical item. Semantic focus is highlighted only in declarative topicalization and wh-word questions given the prosodic prominence on topicalized initial subject and wh-words on non-fixed syntactic position.

Finally, the present findings in Seediq suggest a potential two-dimensional continuum on the phonetic and lexical domains based on Ladd’s (1996) prosodic typology. Because of its fused acoustic strategies (F0, intensity, vowel quality) between stress-accent and non-stress accent types, Seediq may be situated near the middle on the phonetic continuum. Then considering the potential tonal specifications and accent shift in addition to the mostly faithful paroxytonal pattern in the sentential scope, Seediq may be posed near the lexical pitch end on the lexical continuum without overlooking its moderate share of the post-lexical pitch function.

In conclusion, this prosodic sketch of Seediq enriches the prosodic inventory of Formosan prosodic studies, and it ventures to propose a non-polarized two-dimensional continuum in the interaction between phonetic and lexical typologies based on both acoustic and phonological evidence, in the hope of making contribution to the advancement of prosodic typology across linguistic families. The pioneer ToBI adoption for the Formosan prosody is also hoped to provide an efficient basis for cross-linguistic comparison as well as a systematic reference for the future research.

並列關鍵字

Seediq ； prosody ； lexical accent ； intonation ； acoustic ； typology ； ToBI

參考文獻

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