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  • 學位論文

民主與進步的兩難?—社會運動與民進黨不分區立委的提名

Democracy v. Progressiveness? --Social Movements and the Democratic Progressive Party's Candidate Selection in Taiwan

指導教授 : 黃長玲

摘要


本研究旨在回答一個比較政治研究中經典的問題:一個誕生於運動,自許為民主進步的政黨——民進黨——在邁向執政的過程中,如何透過制度性機制回應和處理與社會運動的關係。本文透過一項一般認為較能回應社會運動進步價值與多元代表性的機制——政黨比例代表制(不分區立委名單)作為觀察指標。並且透過深度訪談與歷史文獻的回顧,釐清民進黨的路線轉型、不分區立委提名機制、決策過程與軌跡變遷。 本文首先透過古典的寡頭鐵律中「目標替代」的理論解釋民進黨的轉型,以及其與社會運動的分梳。再者,本文指出:透過不分區立委名單重新建立與社會運動連結關係的民進黨,並非對社會運動保持一致的開放,而是在不同議題、不同時期,有不同的開放程度。而民進黨不分區立委中的弱勢與社運代表有明顯的屬性轉換,早期以民進黨鬆散定義的弱勢代表與社運陣營對代表的期待有相當落差;在2004年後出現關鍵轉折,開始有出身於外部的弱勢與社運團體的代表進入名單。 然而,本文認為,以不分區立委制度作為連結政黨與社會運動進步價值的機制,並不是一項有效的機制。相反的,候選人提名過程、不分區立委的先天弱勢、選票極大化優位思考、多重的馴化機制,以及最重要的以「民主多數決」作為議會最終的政策決策機制,都使得出身於外部弱勢與社運團體的不分區立委,無法發揮如選舉期間中被宣稱的功能。不過,本文也提出,弱勢與社運代表在黨的馴化與規訓機制下仍有透過「組織連結」提升能動性的可能。

並列摘要


This thesis intends to answer a classic question in the field of comparative politics: how does a party, born out of an opposition movement and claimed to be democratic and progressive—the Democratic Progressive Party(DPP) of Taiwan—manage and respond to the tensions between itself and the social movements through the institutionalized mechanisms in the course of pursuing power. This study focuses on the Party List Proportional Representative(List-PR) system, thought to be an effective approach to respond and represent the interests of social movements, as an indicator in measuring this tension. In-depth interviews and historical literature reviews are also main research approaches in order to provide a more comprehensive review of the transformation of DPP’s political line, nomination mechanism, decision-making process and the trajectory of its transition. This study, firstly, utilizes the Goal Replacement theory under ‘the Iron Law of Oligarchy’ as a framework of the explanation of the DPP’s transformation and the result of cleavage between the DPP and social movements. Secondly, this study points out that, while the DPP intends to use List-PR as a way to rebuild the connections between itself and the social movements, it fails to remain open to all social movements at a consistent level. Instead, the DPP’s openness to the social movements differs in terms of different issues and periods. The political characteristic that representatives of disadvantaged minorities and the social movements find their representation in the DPP’s party list evidences a noticeable change over time. At the early stage, DPP’s loose definition of disadvantaged minorities fell short of the expectations from the social movement representatives, whereas in the later stage, especially after the key turning point of 2004, some representatives who were selected from the social movement groups emerged in the DPP’s party list. However, this thesis suggests that using the party list as a way to rebuild the connections between party and social movements is not as effective as that some political rhetoric claims. Instead, many mechanisms, including the candidate selection process, inherent disadvantages of Taiwan’s List-PR electoral system, the logics of maximizing votes, multi-level domestication process and most importantly—the majority rule as a final decision making principle in the Legislature, all lead to ineffectiveness of the List-PR system. Nevertheless, this study suggests that, while facing strong domesticating mechanisms, the representatives of social movements in the DPP can still increase their agency through ‘organizational connections.’

參考文獻


,2002,〈解除克勞塞維茲的魔咒:分析台灣當前社會改革運動的困境〉,《台灣社會學》,(4):159-198。
范雲,2003,〈政治轉型過程中的婦女運動: 以運動者及其生命傳記背景為核心的分析取向〉,《台灣社會學》,(5):133-194。
包正豪,2010, 〈政黨政治甄補的影響因素: 以1992 到2008 政黨不分區立委提名人選為範例〉,《選舉評論》,(9):49-82。
張福建、劉義周,2002,〈代表的理論與實際〉,《政治與社會哲學評論》1:117-149。
蕭怡靖,2012,〈民眾對立法委員選舉之政黨不分區名單的認知與影響:以 2008年立法委員選舉為例〉,《選舉研究》,19(1):33-67。

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