清初蘇州崑腔曲律研究―以《寒》《廣》二譜與傳奇作品為論述範疇

Suzhou Kunqiang and qulyu of the Early Qing ―A Discussion of Hanshantang Qupu, Beici Guangzheng Pu and Texts of Chinese Operas

李佳蓮(Chia-lian Lee)

指導教授 ： 曾永義

國立臺灣大學/文學院/中國文學研究所/博士(2007年)

https://doi.org/10.6342/NTU.2007.01846

摘要

本論文的議題是「清初蘇州崑腔曲律研究」，其定義與內容乃是：清初順、康二朝蘇州府所轄一州七縣，目前所能考察之此時地崑腔曲律發展與變化情形，所謂「崑腔曲律」一般包含兩個部分：一為文學方面的曲詞部分，一為音樂方面的曲調部分，本論文乃以崑曲曲詞文字、包含曲牌之句讀正襯等格式以及曲牌聯套規律等文學部分為研究範疇，而非「崑曲曲調旋律之高低快慢等音樂」方面的探討。至於研究動機，是從既有的研究成果來看，一者關於清初蘇州地區既有的研究成果尚不及「曲律」此區塊，二者則日漸重視的地方戲曲腔調研究仍不及此時地，因此，針對「清初蘇州崑腔曲律」作出專題探討者仍闕之弗如，本論文即嘗試為這極為重要卻仍空白的偌大區塊補缺拾遺。

而曲譜則是研究崑腔曲律的第一手資料，然囿於現存清初曲譜都是文字譜，且大多不收常用聯套，因此，本論文以崑曲曲詞之文學部分作為探討重點，對於曲牌聯套規律，則必須憑藉崑曲以為載體的劇本―傳奇。是以筆者以產生於清初蘇州地區的張大復《寒山堂曲譜》、李玉《北詞廣正譜》此南北二譜，以及十多位清初蘇州劇作家現存五十五部傳奇劇本，作為本論文的論述範疇。

至於本論文的研究步驟，首先，在第壹章探勘清初蘇州地區所能考知的各式戲曲腔調劇種，以期掌握崑山腔面對明末清初諸腔並起時的處境；繼而嘗試釐清張大復《寒山堂曲譜》繁雜的板本問題，藉此瞭解清初曲家對於曲譜的編纂態度與曲律演變的審美心態。接著，第貳、參章即據張大復《寒山堂曲譜》、李玉《北詞廣正譜》二譜觀察清初崑腔曲律，以分析曲牌格律變化、研究曲牌形式異同，作為研究崑腔曲律發展與變化之途徑。繼而，第肆章針對清初蘇州劇作家傳奇作品，檢驗當時地崑曲聯套規律之發展；終至，第伍章探討劇作中聯套規律與排場處理之關係。

本論文還嘗試運用多種研究方法，以應不同議題的探索：第壹章首先全面概觀，從筆記叢談等原典文獻，以及近人相關論著中爬梳整理各地方腔調的蛛絲馬跡，繼而以考證論辨的方式，釐清張大復《寒山堂曲譜》的板本問題。第貳、參章則以張譜、李譜作為觀察曲牌格式的基準，與其前、後具代表性之諸家曲譜進行校讎比對、歸納異同。第肆、伍章則進一步開展，先就清初蘇州劇作家作品所運用的聯套進行統計與分類，嘗試用「量化」的方式，客觀比較明清前後之異同，繼而進一步分析聯套運用與排場處理，在方法上便大量援引劇例以茲檢驗證明。

經過全文的討論，筆者以為，崑腔曲律自明中葉魏良輔創發為水磨調之後，在晚明蓬勃茁壯，待入清之後已經過近百年，彼時在前人的豐厚基礎上，既有所繼承延續、也有所拓展啟發，然更多的是進一步的蛻變與衍化：

首先看到繼承延續方面，就曲牌的整理而言，從張大復《寒山堂曲譜》約有近四成是全同於以往諸譜，可見這部分是構成崑腔曲律性格穩定、鞏固自身特質的基石；就曲牌的性質而言，大部分常用的曲牌在性格及其使用的次序、方法上，是不容許有太大的歧異與突變；就聯套的形成與襲用來說，明傳奇發展的初期，事實上已奠定了日後創作所需的大部分基礎，這些班底一路沿用至清初，甚至佔了清初劇作五、六成之多的份量；就北套的運用來說，無論是從《北詞廣正譜》所存「套數分題」或者傳奇劇本所使用的北套來看，清初廣為使用者，體製都相當固定、幾乎是顛撲不破；就關目情節的運用而言，明傳奇常見的關目到了清初，仍見基本型態的續用；就排場的運用來說，前輩學者所歸納出特殊排場的慣用熟套舉例，也大多可見於清初蘇州劇作家劇作中，少有完全的悖離與歧異。

凡此種種，皆可見出崑腔曲律自魏良輔製定以來，即已揮別南曲戲文隨心可唱的即興散漫，而有一套顛撲不破的規律與法則，此套規矩撐起崑曲的基本骨幹，成為異於其他聲腔的獨門特色。然而行至清初，在繼承之餘畢竟有所開拓與啟發、進而發展變化，筆者以為，有以下幾個方向可尋：

（一） 部分曲牌之格式日趨鬆散：

比對張大復《寒山堂曲譜》所收曲牌格式與以往諸譜的異同之後，可以發現：清初決定曲牌格式變化的幾項因素往往一齊發生變化，大幅度地動搖曲牌既有的格式，以致曲體與本格面目迥異。相應於劇作家的創作亦復如是，清初傳奇作品的聯套常有異於明代熟套者，如以一般聯套來說，就可見出單曲型、變異型、雜綴型等多種複雜面貌。整體看來，從張大復《寒山堂曲譜》約有六成內容異於舊譜，而劇作家作品又有將近三成聯套不見於明代熟套的現象可知，清初部分崑曲曲牌的內在規律已日趨鬆散。

（二） 宮調統轄力漸失：

此從張大復、李玉編譜時對宮調的處理頗多異於舊譜之處即可看出。張譜對於部分曲牌的歸屬以及宮調的統納與前譜大異其趣，透露出對於南北曲界線的模糊、對於犯調與否的劃分不一、對於板式下定與格式的淆亂等曲律演變的訊息。至於李譜是首部以十七宮調架構全譜的北曲譜，然而這十七宮調實際上從未被應用於曲譜系統以及實際創作之中，李玉等編譜者煞有介事地架構全書，反而突顯出編譜者的「不識時務」，之所以如此，實出於宮調實際的統轄能力已漸消失，以致清初編譜者對於宮調觀念的日趨模糊。

（三） 舞台搬演日趨重視：

上述曲牌格式日趨鬆散、宮調統轄力的漸失，均指向同一意涵，即：舞台搬演日趨重視。此點就四個層面來說：首先，就曲譜的編纂立場而言，張大復屢次明言是基於作劇者實際的需要，一切以音律為導向，可知該譜以實際的舞台搬演為依歸。其次，就曲譜的內容而言，可以發現張譜頗多處提到和演唱、搬演相關的問題。其三，就曲譜的形式而言，張、李二譜不約而同地刪去以前眾譜極為重視的旁注平仄，張譜悉心增列拍數，李譜還是第一部標點板眼的北曲譜，均透顯著由格律譜朝往工尺譜的方向過渡，可知清初蘇州曲學家們對於崑腔曲律的關注，已是進入了審音度律的曲學層面。其四，就清初傳奇劇本所見排場處理而言，往往靈活調度，都可見出清初蘇州劇作家們所努力發展，是朝著加強戲劇性、豐富表演性的方向駛去。

（四） 北曲崑山水磨調化

上述南曲曲牌格式的日趨鬆散、宮調統轄力的漸失，也可見於北曲，而北曲這種內在規律的消解，一言以蔽之，即「崑山水磨調化」。自明中葉以來傳入蘇州地區的北曲，早已在耳濡目染之下深受南曲影響，在明末尚且能保有自身體質而與南曲齊頭並進、並推隆盛；但到了清初，此「南曲化」甚且「崑山水磨調化」日益浸染，終至崩散消解了北曲內在的規律，使得清初蘇州地區的北曲呈現和元代北曲大異其趣之貌。

綜合全論文的探討，可知蘇州地區由於特殊的地理環境、文化氛圍，在鼎革之後、百廢待舉的清初時期，對於崑腔曲律自明代以來既有的豐富成就，不僅有所繼承傳續、涵養容受，同時開創新局、拓展視野，甚且消解既有的規範與秩序，進而產生更多的發展與變化，揭示著當時地處於新舊交替、關鍵樞紐的重要時期。由此看來，對於清初蘇州崑腔曲律之研究，實有其不容忽視的意義與價值。

關鍵字

清初蘇州 ； 崑腔曲律 ； 曲牌格式 ； 聯套規律 ； 張大復《寒山堂曲譜》 ； 李玉《北詞廣正譜》 ； 排場

並列摘要

The topic of this dissertation is “Suzhou Kunqiang and qulyu of the Early Qing” The term “early Qing dynasty” refers to the reign of Shunzhi (順治) and Kangxi (康熙), and the term “Suzhou area “ refers to the area governed by Suzhou Fu (府), which included one state (州) and seven counties (縣). The term “Kunqiang and qulyu” （崑腔曲律） can be divided into two parts: qu ci(曲詞), which is the literary part, and qu diao (曲調), which is the musical part. I will discuss the former in this dissertation, including the punctuation and rhetoric (句讀正襯) styles and the tune title combination (曲牌聯套) rules, but not the latter. In previous researches, there is no exclusive study on Kunqiang and qulyu in this particular area and historical period--the studies on Suzhou area in early Qing dynasty have not included the topic of kunqu music, and the studies on local operas, which are drawing more and more attention, have not included Suzhou area in early Qing dynasty. Thus, this dissertation is one of the first to discuss this important yet unexplored topic.

Notated qu compositions (qupu 曲譜) are the first-hand material for studying the kunqu style. Since the extant qupus before the publishing of Jiugong Dacheng Nanbei Pu (九宮大成南北譜) in the reign of Qianlung (乾隆) are all literal notation (文字譜), I have to limit the topic within the literary part of kunqu. Similarly, since there were few qupus which indicated frequently-used tune title combinations (常用聯套) before the publishing of Xinding Shierlu Kunqiang Pu (新訂十二律崑腔譜) by Wang Ruisheng (王瑞生) in the reign of Kangxi, my discussion on tune title combination rules is based on chuanqi (傳奇) works, which are the scripts of kunqu. To be specific, this study is based on Zhang Dafu (張大復) ’s Hanshantang Qupu (寒山堂曲譜) and Li Yu (李玉) ’s Beici Guangzheng Pu (北詞廣正譜), as well as fifty-five other chuanqi scripts written by more than ten Suzhou playwrights of early Qing.

The structure of this dissertation is as following:
In the first chapter, I will discuss the various opera types (戲曲腔調) in Suzhou area during early Qing dynasty, in order to get an overall view of the situation kunqu opera (崑山腔) faces at the time from late Ming to early Qing, when there are many new opera types rising. I will also try to solve the problem regarding various versions of Zhang Dafu’s Hanshantang Qupu, in order to understand the attitudes of the playwrights in early Qing dynasty towards compiling musical notation, and their aesthetic views towards the changes in qu rules(曲律).
In the second and third chapter, I will take a close look at Zhang Dafu’s Hanshantang Qupu and Li Yu ’s Beici Guangzheng Pu to analyze the changes in the tune title rules (曲牌格律) and compare the differences in tune title patterns, in order to study the development and changes of Kunqiang and qulyu.
The fourth chapter discusses the chuanqi works written by Suzhou playwrights of early Qing and examines the development of the kunqu tune title combination rules (崑曲聯套規律).
Finally, in the fifth chapter, I will explore the relation between the tune title combination rules and the arrangements of scenes (排場).

I have employed various research methods in handling the different issues in this dissertation. In the first chapter, which gives an overview of the whole topic, I have gathered materials related to each local opera from original literature, such as biji congtan (筆記叢談), and articles written by recent scholars. Then I have drawn evidence to discuss the various versions of Zhang Dafu’s Hanshantang Qupu. In the second chapter, I have set Zhang’s work as the basis for studying different tune title styles, and compared it with other nanqu (南曲) notations before and after him. The third chapter discusses the changeable styles and the strict taoshi (套式) of beiqu (北曲), in order to examine the development and changes in beiqu. The fourth and fifth chapters continue this issue to discuss the styles of tune title combination. Here I have used statistics and classification to quantify the difference between the tune title combinations in Ming and in Qing. Then I further analyze the utilization of tune title combinations, that is, the arrangements of scenes, by providing many examples from actual opera works.

Since Wei Liangfu (魏良輔) invented shuimo diao (水磨調) in Ming dynasty, kunqu has matured during late Ming dynasty. By early Qing, it had already gone through nearly 100 years of development. In this period, apart from keeping the tradition set by predecessors, people also try to make changes and renew the Kunqiang and qulyu.

In regard of the tradition kept, we can see that about forty percent of the tune titles in Zhang Dafu’s Hanshantang Qupu are the same as previous ones. Thus we know that the tune title is the constant part of kunqu. Most of the tune titles do not allow too many variations or changes in their usages and order. As for the tune title combinations, most of them were set in the early stage of the development of chuanqi in Ming dynasty. They were still followed in early Qing dynasty, and were used in fifty to sixty percent of the scripts of this period. The beitao (北套) preserved in taoshu fenti (套數分題) in Beici Guangzheng Pu (北詞廣正譜) or used in chuanqi (傳奇) scripts indicate that their rules were quite fixed and almost unbreakable. Furthermore, the plots (關目) which were often used in the plays of Ming dynasty still kept their basic forms in the plays of early Qing dynasty, and the patterns of scene arrangements generalized by previous scholars can also be seen in the scripts of Suzhou playwrights in early Qing dynasty, with few changes.

These facts show that after Wei Liangfu set the kunqu style, the looseness of Nanqu was no longer seen. There emerged unbreakable rules for kunqu, which became its basis and marked its uniqueness. However, during early Qing dynasty, kunqu style also went through some changes, which, in my opinion, include the following:

(1) The old rules of tune titles became less and less strict.

After comparing tune titles collected in Zhang Dafu’s Hanshantang Qupu and the previous tune titles, we can see that in early Qing, the factors deciding tune titles often changed completely, which made the tune title styles in this period dramatically different from the old ones, even making the qu form (曲體) completely different from the original pattern (本格). Changes also occur in the scripts. The tune title combinations in the scripts of early Qing dynasty are often different from those in the scripts of Ming. For example, a common combination can be devided into single-qu type (單曲型), variant type (變易型) and mixed type (雜綴型)…etc, making it much more complicated. About sixty percent of the content of Zhang Dafu’s Hanshantang Qupu is different from traditional qupus, and about thirty percent of the tune title combinations in other playwrights’ works were not found in the works of Ming dynasty. Thus we can see that in early Qing, the rules of some of the tune titles were not as strict as before.

(2) The idea of gongdiao (宮調) became less clear

This can be seen from Zhang Dafu and Li Yu’s handling of gongdiao, which often disobeys traditional definition. In Zhang’s work, the grouping of some tune titles and the usage of gondiao were quite different from traditional definition. This indicates that the difference between nanqu and beiqu, the definition of fandiao (犯調), and the choice of Ban style (板式) became less clear. Li Yu’s notation is the first notation of beiqu which uses 17 gongdiao to compose the whole notation. However, these gongdiao were not actually used in the tune title system and the composition of scripts. The fact that editors like Li Yu used gongdiao to compose the whole book indicates their ignorance towards its definition, and that the rules of gongdiao had become so loose that the idea of gongdiao itself had become less clear among editors of early Qing dynasty.

(3) More attention was paid on performance

The looseness of tune title styles and the fact that the idea of gongdiao became less clear both suggest one thing: more attention was paid on the actual performance. As the editor of qupu, Zhang Dafu claimed for several times in his work that the reason he uses music rules (音律) as guideline in notation is for the sake of practical needs of the playwrights. In his book, he has also mentioned the issues concerning acting, singing and staging. In regard of notation style, Zhang Dafu and Li Yu both omitted the marking of pingze (平仄), which had been very important in previous notations. Instead, Zhang Dafu made detailed notation on paishu (拍數), while Li Yu’s notation was the first beiqu notation that marked banyan (板眼). These facts are both evidence of the evolution from gelu pu (格律譜) to gongchi pu (工尺譜). We can see that qu scholars of Suzhou in early Qing started to concern themselves for the musical part of Kunqiang and qulyu. Furthermore, the scene arrangements of chuanqi scripts in early Qing were often quite flexible, which indicates that Suzhou playwrights of this period were putting more efforts on enhancing the theatrical effects and performance.

(4) Beiqu assimilated with kunshan shuimo diao

The looseness of the tune title styles and the gongdiao rules in nanqu mentioned above can also apply to beiqu. The disintegration of rules in beiqu can be seen as the evidence for the fact that it had assimilated with kunshan shuimo diao(崑山水磨調). Beiqu, which was introduced into Suzhou during the middle period of Ming, became greatly influenced by nanqu. In late Ming dynasty, it still kept its own characteristics and were as popular as nanqu, but by early Qing dynasty, it had already become assimilated with nanqu and even influenced by kunshan shuimo diao, and finally lost its own original rules. Thus, in Suzhou, the beiqu in early Qing dynasty was quite different from that in Yuan dynasty.

Suzhou area was a place with unique geographical and cultural environment. Thus in early Qing dynasty, when a new age had just begun, the kunqu style in this area, while inheriting the great achievements reached in Ming dynasty, had also gone through changes, even breaking the traditional rules to enable further development and variation. This indicates that Suzhou in that period was facing significant changes, which is an important factor in the study of the kunqu style there, and makes it a worthwhile topic.

並列關鍵字

Suzhou of the early Qing ； Kunqiang and qulyu ； Qupai forms ； tune title combination rules ； Zhang Dafu’s Hanshantang Qupu ； Li Yu’s Beici Guangzheng Pu ； scene arrangements

參考文獻

（明）凌濛初：《譚曲雜剳》，第四冊

曾師永義：《詩歌與戲曲》，台北：聯經出版公司，1988年4月

曾師永義：《參軍戲與元雜劇》，台北：聯經出版公司，1992年

曾師永義：《論說戲曲》，台北：聯經出版公司，1997年

李惠綿：《戲曲批評概念史考論》，台北：里仁書局，2002年