透過您的圖書館登入
IP:18.216.123.120
  • 學位論文

入聯公投與兩岸關係之研究-泛綠觀點解析

A study of referendum on joining UN in the name of Taiwan and Cross-Strait Relations----The analysis of Pan Green viewpoints

指導教授 : 陳明通

摘要


論文摘要 本文旨在分析「入聯公投」的提出,透過以台灣內部的政治局勢演變(泛藍與泛綠)為經,並結合美國與中國對此一議題的所產生的衝擊與反應為緯,歸納出兩岸在「入聯公投」議題上,所交織出的路徑圖與軌跡。   決策者採取民主的手段──公投,透過入聯的議題,來爭取台灣在國際參與的空間。在中國設定的「一個中國」框架下,藉此凸顯出台灣和中國的定位,並不是中國的一部分,而是「一邊一國」關係。也藉此議題向國際「製造聲音」,以傳達台灣人民希望成為聯合國成員之一的想法。對國內,則凝聚選舉議題的主導權,進而在總統的選舉可以獲勝,從而可以進一步延續在過去執政中所堅持的台灣主體意識路線。   美國的立場,重申要台灣遵守「四不一沒」的承諾,並強調海峽兩岸任何一方,都不能片面改變「現狀」,對於入聯公投,表示強烈反對。中國的立場,則是擔心公投的民主價值,憂心台灣的下一步(What’s Next),而持續打壓台灣的國際參與空間?泛藍的立場,為避免重蹈2004的經驗,則提出「返聯公投」,予以抗衡。   最後,本文認為選舉後的兩岸關係,應當堅持從台灣的主權出發,採取更為穩健的策略,才能使兩岸關係走向正常化。 關鍵詞:兩岸關係;公民投票;聯合國;主權;民主;一個中國;九二共識

並列摘要


Abstract This article is the analysis of “Referendum on joining UN in the name of Taiwan.” It is also the path and track through the political situation evolvement with the two political parties (Pan Green and Pan Blue) in Taiwan, and also the impact and reaction have arose from this topic to the United States and China, The democratic method that the policy maker adopts is referendum, which is the way to fight for a role to play a part in international for Taiwan. Under the frame of "one China” set by China, it has revealed the relationship between Taiwan and China, which is that Taiwan is not part of China, but “One country on each side ". “Referendum” also tries to make a sound to the international and to convey that Taiwanese want to become one of the members in United Nations. Domestically, it unites the election predominant power, then win in the presidential election. Thus, it can further continue the subject of Taiwanese consciousness that has been insisted is in past ruling. For the United States, it reiterates that Taiwan needs to obey the commitment - "Five Nons," and emphasizes that either side of cross-straits can not change the status quo unilaterally. It also strongly expresses the opposite views to this referendum. In the position of China, it worries about the democratic value of the referendum, and what’s the next step of Taiwan. Therefore, it continuously suppresses Taiwan to play a part in international. In the position of the Pan Blue, it addresses “referendum on returning UN in the name of the Republic of China” to avoid 2004 experiences. Therefore, in regard to the above thesis, the relationship between the two nations should be insisted setting out from the sovereignty of Taiwan after the presidential election. Adopting the steady strategies to make theCross-Strait Relations trend to normalization. Key words:Cross-Strait Relations; Referendum;United Nations;Sovereignty;Democracy; One China;1992 Consensus

參考文獻


王銘義,《對話與對抗,台灣與中國的政治較量》,天下文化,2005年
吳玉山,<台灣總統大選對於兩岸關係產生的影響:選票極大化與戰略三角途徑>,《遠景季刊》,頁1-33
黃偉峰,<從選票區位結構試探影響2004 年「和平公投」之相關因素>,《臺灣民主》,2004年,第1卷第3期,頁73-98。
林水波,〈台灣代議政治的信任門檻〉,《台灣民主季刊》,2004年,第1卷第
李昌麟,<全球公民投票制度之探討>,《全球政治評論》,第6期,2004年,頁123-148。

被引用紀錄


蔡培君(2009)。從國家利益觀點探討美、中、台戰略互動關係之研究 -以2008年「入聯公投」事件為例〔碩士論文,淡江大學〕。華藝線上圖書館。https://doi.org/10.6846/TKU.2009.00514
蘇國賢(2012)。我國全國性公民投票實施之政經分析〔碩士論文,國立臺灣大學〕。華藝線上圖書館。https://doi.org/10.6342/NTU.2012.01572

延伸閱讀