當我們「同」在「異」起？台灣CEDAW運動之研究與評析

Analysis and Critiques on the CEDAW Movement in Taiwan

陸詩薇(Shih-Wei Lu)

指導教授 ： 張文貞

國立臺灣大學/法律學院/法律學研究所/碩士(2009年)

https://doi.org/10.6342/NTU.2009.02648

摘要

西元2000年之後，台灣民間的婦女團體開始關注〈消除一切對婦女歧視公約〉(Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, CEDAW)，包括台灣婦女團體全國聯合會、中華民國婦女協會、民進黨婦女部、勵馨基金會、中華民國基督教女青年會協會等許多團體，以舉辦研討會、記者會、對政府的遊說與倡議等方式，希望台灣能批准CEDAW，將此公約規範引入台灣。除了上述以將公約視為一整體而倡議加入的行動外，亦有如日日春互助關懷協會、移民/移住人權修法聯盟、南洋台灣姐妹會、外籍配偶成長關懷協會等團體，於具體議題的論述中直接援引特定的CEDAW規範，作為向政府抗議或遊說的論據。這篇論文中，我採取廣泛的定義方式，將以任何形式關注、使用CEDAW的行動，泛稱為「台灣CEDAW運動」。其後，民間團體的倡議加入CEDAW行動得到了政府的回應，我國立法院於2007年正式通過簽署CEDAW，陳水扁總統隨即公佈了加入書，並由外交部委由友邦依據公約規定將加入書轉送聯合國秘書處。但當時的聯合國秘書長潘基文援引聯合國2758號決議，拒絕台灣存放加入書。在此之後台灣朝野仍持續行動，除了政府於2009年3月完成初次國家報告，並邀請三位前CEDAW委員會成員來台審查外，民間團體亦組成工作坊，以「對婦女之暴力(Violence Against Women)」為主題撰寫替代報告(Alternative Report)。

　　這篇論文的核心關懷，是探究為什麼台灣民間婦女團體會在此一時點看見CEDAW，關注CEDAW，進而倡議加入？這些團體行動者的面貌、特質是否相同？如果有所差異，是何種機緣促使這些異質行動者，在CEDAW議題上現身同一歷史舞台？

　　論文中，我首先以歷史素材，分析台灣戰後政府與民間婦女團體在「國際參與」領域的情況，尤其聚焦於CEDAW運動中各團體的歷史，嘗試發現這些行動者過去與現在的連結。分析歷史連結的基礎，並簡介CEDAW的內涵與機制後，我將台灣CEDAW運動出現的原因，區分為客觀因素與主觀因素。客觀因素包括政黨輪替後新政府渴望推展國際參與所形成的政治機會、政府改造、CEDAW公約本身對所有國家開放的特性、性別主流化相關建制的推動等，而倡議團體與個人所累積或創造的資源，包括國際連結資源、運動策略經驗、金錢資源等，對於開展行動亦有影響。

　　然而，我認為促使台灣政府與民間團體於千禧年後關注CEDAW，並積極行動的主因是主觀的認同因素。我將CEDAW運動中的認同因素區分為國族認同、女性�女性運動者認同、普世人權價值認同。並且主張國族認同是驅動CEDAW運動出現的核心因素，也是民間團體的倡議獲得政府立即回應的主要原因。而此種國族認同的基礎內涵，是以台灣本位爭取國際地位的認同，並且將國家主權、民主、人權、進步等概念納入想像藍圖。誠然，國族認同作為運動主要的驅力，使運動得到了許多政治部門的回應與承諾，可是也正因為如此，導致「主流」的CEDAW運動初期過度強調「簽署公約」的形式路線，而且無論運動資源或論述詮釋的權力，都不均衡地集中於過去已有相當國際連結能力的團體。使得台灣的CEDAW倡議行動，較無法呈現異質多元的聲音。

　　根據以上的分析討論，我主張台灣行動者應該更具體、更批判性、創造性地使用CEDAW。我們不但應該看見基進詮釋CEDAW公約的可能，更應該在仰望國際人權規範、渴望國際參與與認同時，以台灣透過民主化進程產生的異質多元特性，作為台灣現身於國際舞台上值得驕傲的獨特資本。我認為看見並承認本土歷史中的多元差異，以及台灣本土相對於其他國家的差異，並基於這些差異批判性地理解國際人權公約，才能真正使國際人權公約於本土生根。

關鍵字

消除一切對婦女歧視公約 ； 國際人權公約 ； 國際參與 ； 女性主義 ； 認同 ； 差異

並列摘要

After 2000, several Taiwanese women NGOs lead by the National Alliance of Taiwan Women Associations have resorted to CEDAW as part of their movement.
Many positive actions were taken to advocating Taiwan to adopt CEDAW. The Taiwan Civil League for promoting CEDAW (The League for CEDAW) was formed among major NGOs on women’s rights, children’s rights and human rights in general. At the time, the primary goal of the mainstream CEDAW movement focused on the formal and legal accession to CEDAW as a whole, while some dissenting and marginal organizations aimed for the right of sex workers and migrant women by referring to specific CEDAW provisions to criticize the policy of the government.

The League for CEDAW successfully put the CEDAW accession into the government’s agenda. On January 5 2007, the Legislative Yuan ratified CEDAW by an overwhelming parliamentary majority, and the President subsequently issued the signatory. On February 27, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs attempted to submit the instrument to the Secretary-General of the United Nations for deposition in accordance with Article 25(2) of the CEDAW. However, this request was denied by Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon. Ban quoted the U.N. Resolution 2758 which recognizes the People's Republic of China as the only legitimate representative of China to the U.N. Thus he contended that Taiwan was not qualified to participate the convention. Notwithstanding the rejection, Taiwanese government issued its first national report in March 2009 and invited three ex-CEDAW committee members to Taipei for review. Meanwhile, several domestic NGOs lead by the Garden of Hope Foundation formed a workshop for an alternative report focusing on violence against women.

This thesis attempts to explain why these NGOs at that specific moment referred to CEDAW and promoted for the accession. First, I look into the different characteristics of these organizations from a historical angle. I try to examine Taiwanese government and NGOs worked on international connections on female issues after the Second World War seeking the connection between the past and the present.

The rise of CEDAW movement in Taiwan can be analyzed form both structural impact and identity perspectives. As to structural impact, the first party turnover was the vital political chance for the CEDAW movement. “Entering the UN in the name of Taiwan” and “Building a state of human rights” was the two most significant propagandas of the new government. Therefore, the purpose of CEDAW movement was accepted by the government without difficulties. In the meantime, the call for government reform after the party turnover not only offered chances for advocating gender mainstreaming but also provided NGOs the platform to link gender mainstreaming mechanism with the idea of CEDAW. Further, the resources mobilization also became a significant role on the initial stage of CEDAW movement.

Other than the structural impact, CEDAW movement was driven mainly by subjective identity. The identity includes three dimensions, i.e. national identity, female/actor identity and the identity towards general human rights belief. The national identity of Taiwan is particularly essential to the movement. It was in coincidence with the ideology of the new government and thus beneficial to the movement. Nevertheless, the domination of this national identity also caused the formalism of the mainstream CEDAW movement. In this thesis, I further argue that the identity of general human rights belief went beyond its literal meaning to contain a blueprint for a new state of Taiwan including the imagination of democracy, progression and freedom.

The female/actor identity was less momentous than the national identity. However, the diversity of female/actor identity determined the different interpretation of CEDAW and the strategies of NGOs. Mainstream CEDAW movement tended to promoting CEDAW as a whole aiming at formally accession of the document but neglecting the possibility of radical interpretation of the convention.

Accordingly, I strongly believe that Taiwanese actors should use CEDAW and other international human instruments more concretely, critically and creatively. I sincerely urge the actors in Taiwan to pay more attention on the diversity of different women while seeking for the chance to the participation of the international human rights mechanism and yearning for the global recognition. In a nutshell, I argue that a critical construction of international human rights treaties based on diversity and distinctiveness of Taiwan is the only way for global norms rooted in local land.

並列關鍵字

The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women ； CEDAW ； International human rights law ； feminism ； identity ； diversity

參考文獻

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